COLOMBIA: INDIGENOUS OCCUPY ESTATES

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

CAUCA: NASA TAKE BACK THE LAND

On Aug. 4, a group of more than 500 organized indigenous Colombians from the municipalities of Jambalo, Caloto, Toribio and Caldono in Cauca department began occupying the Zulema estate in Caloto in what they call a process of “recovery and liberation of mother earth.” On Aug. 6, the mayor and municipal procurator of Caloto arrived at the estate and tried to persuade the indigenous community to go into town for talks on the situation; the community responded that the talks could happen on the estate. Later in the day, agents of the National Police arrived and stayed for several hours. On Aug. 8, three truckloads of agents from the notoriously brutal Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (ESMAD) of the National Police arrived and set up camp at the nearby El Japio estate, which was occupied last Oct. 12 by a group of Nasa indigenous people. [It is not clear whether the Nasa communities are continuing to occupy El Japio estate]. (Messages from Nietos de Manuel Quintin LameAug. 4, 10, both via Colombia Indymedia)

CUNDINAMARCA: DISPLACED SEIZE ESTATE

On July 24, a group of 10 displaced families seized La Victoria estate in Silvania municipality, Cundinamarca department, to demand they be resettled there. The Colombian Rural Development Institute (INCODER), a government agency, had resettled the families on the Los Colorados estate in nearby Jerusalen municipality on June 10, 2005, but the families consider Los Colorados inadequate because of the poor quality of the soil and the absence of drinkable water in the area. INCODER has taken possession of La Victoria for the resettlement of displaced families, but has refused to grant it to the families from Los Colorados. The families hope their occupation of La Victoria will pressure INCODER to let them stay. The mayor of Silvania has ordered them removed by force. (Message from Desplazados, July 26 on Colombia Indymedia)

VALLE DEL CAUCA: NASA UNDER ATTACK

In Florida municipality, Valle del Cauca department, on Aug. 4 a group of hooded armed men forced 64-year-old Rosa Tulia Poscue Ortiz from the vehicle in which she was traveling in the Triunfo Cristal Paez [Nasa] indigenous reservation. Hours later she was found stabbed to death. On Aug. 6, an unidentified armed group stopped 67-year-old campesino Jose Olmedo Pillimue as he was driving a bus from Villa Pinzon, on the same reservation, toward the town center of Florida. The assailants killed Olmedo with three bullets to the head. The army has also been carrying out bombings on the reservation. (Message from Indigenous Authorities of Florida Municipality, Aug. 9 via Colombia Indymedia)

Luis Evelis Andrade, director of the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC), said that 32 indigenous people were murdered in Colombia in the first six months of 2006. In the same period, 28 indigenous people were forcibly disappeared, 5,731 were displaced by violence from their ancestral territories, 33,000 properties belonging to their communities were attacked by armed groups, and more than 63,000 indigenous people were trapped within their own territories, stranded by combat or paramilitary blockades. (Prensa Latina, Aug. 9)

NARIÑO: AWA INDIGENOUS MASSACRED

At 5 AM on Aug. 9, International Indigenous People’s Day, five hooded armed men arrived in the rural village of Altaquer, in Barbacoas municipality, in the southwestern Colombian department of Nariño. Selecting their victims from a list, the paramilitaries abducted five Awa indigenous people from the homes where they were sleeping, took them outside the village, made them lie face down on the ground and executed each of them with a bullet to the head. The victims were Jairo Ortiz and teacher Adelaida Ortiz, both from the Las Vegas indigenous reservation; Marlene Pai and Mauricio Urbano, both from the Chagui reservation of Chambuza; and Jesus Moran, a former council member and former indigenous governor. They were among a group of some 1,350 indigenous people who had taken refuge in Altaquer and Ricaurte after being forced to flee their reservations in Narino on July 11 due to military operations in the area. The National Police and the Colombian Army have permanent posts in Altaquer and Ricaurte. (Coordinador Nacional Agrario, Aug. 9)

Later on Aug. 9, indigenous former congressional deputy Gerardo Jumi asked the United Nations to spearhead an investigation into the possible participation of Colombian government forces in the massacre. Jumi told the press that state security forces control the area where the massacre took place, and that the paramilitary group that killed the five Awa accused them of being supporters of the leftist guerrillas. (Prensa Latina, Aug. 9)

SIERRIA DE PERIJÁ: WIWA INDIGENOUS DISAPPEARED

On Aug. 2 in the Serrania de PerijĂĄ region of the northern Colombian department of La Guajira, indigenous Wiwa campesino Roman Vega Nieves disappeared after heading out from his home in the Loma del Potrero community to go work on a nearby farm, La Mina. On Aug. 3, a day after his wife reported his disappearance, the National Army’s Juan Jose Rondon Mechanized Cavalry Group 2 reported that a “terrorist” from the Marlon Ortiz unit of the 59th Front of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) had been killed in combat on Aug. 3 at a site known as La Mosca camp, in the municipality of Jagua del Pilar. Witnesses said they had seen armed men with military uniforms take Vega away, and on Aug. 4 Vega’s wife identified her husband in photos as the man who was allegedly killed in combat. He had been dressed in an olive green t-shirt and was buried as “no name.” At least nine Wiwa community members have been killed in similar circumstances since July 2004. (Actualidad Etnica, Aug. 4 via Colombia Indymedia; Article by Adriana Matamoros Insignares, Aug. 4 via Colombia Indymedia)

In another recent incident, a hired killer shot to death Wayuu indigenous street vendor Martin Edgardo Galvan Arpushana in the center of Riohacha, capital of La Guajira. Galvan tried to escape, but the killer followed him into a nearby business and finished him off before fleeing on a waiting motorcycle driven by an accomplice. (Guajira Grafica, Riohacha, July 5-20, via Colombia Indymedi)

Representatives of the Catholic Church meanwhile are blaming a blockade by paramilitary groups for the death of 17 indigenous children from hunger and tuberculosis in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta region of northern Colombia. The paramilitary groups are not allowing food or medicines to enter the region. (Vanguardia Liberal, Juy 29 via Colombia Indymedia)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Aug. 13

BOGOTA: POLICE ATTACK KANKUAMO BOY

On July 7 in Bogota, Colombia, two agents of the Metropolitan Police arbitrarily detained and physically abused and tortured 14-year-old Duvier Daniel Villazon Pinto. Villazon is the son of Kankuamo indigenous leader Imer Villazon Arias, who had come to Bogota from his native Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta region to carry out efforts on behalf of his community, displaced by violence.

The attack against the younger Villazon took place in the afternoon as he was talking with a friend in the Santa Lucia neighborhood. The agents handcuffed the boy to their motorcycle and dragged him at high speed for several blocks. When they stopped, and Villazon tried to look at the motorcycle’s license plate number, the agents got angry and repeated the torture. One agent also hit Villazon repeatedly on the head with his helmet. Eventually the agents took Villazon to the local police station (Immediate Attention Center, CAI), where he was released without charges. Three months earlier, when Villazon was in a store in the Gustavo Restrepo neighborhood of Bogota, agents from the neighborhood CAI had held a gun to his head and forced him to leave. (Corporacion Juridica Humanidad Vigente, July 17 via DHColombia.info)

The Kankuamo people have been active in protesting the presence of military troops and bases on their reservation in the Sierra Nevada region of Santa Marta, in violation of their indigenous autonomy. They are also demanding the right to make decisions about large-scale development projects in the region, such as a planned hydroelectric dam in Besotes. (Adital, July 2)

BARRANCABERMEJA: UNIONIST MURDERED

On July 23, two hired killers traveling in a taxi shot to death union activist Jorge Guillen Leal at his home in the Coviba neighborhood of Barrancabermeja, in the northeastern Colombian department of Santander. Guillen had worked for the past 10 years at the Fertilizantes de Colombia S.A. company and was a member of the Sintrainquigas union, which represents workers in the chemical, agrochemical, gas and related industries. He served on the union’s governing board until last year.

CATATUMBO: CAMPESINO MURDERED

On July 19, in the Catatumbo region of Norte de Santander department, troops from the Colombian army’s Mobile Brigade No. 15 murdered campesino Luis Angarita in the rural community of El Limon, Teorama municipality. Residents say the army killed the young man as he was on his way to work as a laborer on a nearby farm. The troops then dressed Angarita in camouflage and displayed him as a “subversive” killed in combat, although there is no rebel presence in El Limon. In a similar incident last June 5, army troops murdered campesinos Jose Guver Lopez and Jose Ortiz and presented them as leftist rebels killed in combat. The community has protested the killings and other human rights abuses committed by the Colombian army in the region, including numerous arbitrary detentions. (Asociacion Campesina del Catatumbo, July 26 via Colombia Indymedia)

BOGOTA: DISPLACED OCCUPY BOSA PARK

On July 12, more than 2,000 people–some 700 families–displaced by violence from various parts of Colombia began a protest encampment in the central park of Bosa, one of 20 localities within the capital, Bogota, to protest the government’s failure to address their basic needs. On July 20, with no response to their demands, five of the displaced people buried themselves up to their necks in front of the Bosa mayor’s office. On July 15, police agents tried to break up the encampment and disperse the protesters; several people were injured. Police tried again to break up the protest on July 26. (Periodico El Turbion, published by Movimiento por la Defensa de los Derechos del Pueblo-MODEP, July 23 via Servicio Prensa Rural; Message from Desplazados posted July 26 on Colombia Indymedia)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, July 30

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also:

WW4 REPORT #124, August 2006
/node/2255

“Colombia: UN sees crisis for indigenous peoples,”
WW4 REPORT, Aug. 24
/node/2376

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Sept. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingCOLOMBIA: INDIGENOUS OCCUPY ESTATES 

BOLIVIA: INDIGENOUS SEIZE GAS PIPELINE

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

During the week of Aug. 14, some 500 indigenous Guarani people began an occupation at the Parapeti station of the Yacuiba-Rio Grande gas pipeline (GASYRG) near Charagua, in the eastern Bolivian department of Santa Cruz, to demand that the Transierra company pay the Guarani people $9 million in exchange for allowing the pipeline to operate on their land. Transierra agreed in a 2005 accord to provide that amount to benefit the Guarani people; the company says the funding was to be distributed over a 20-year period, and it has so far provided $255,887.

Transierra is co-owned by the Brazilian state oil company Petrobras, the Spanish-Argentine oil company Repsol and the French company Total. The protest is organized by the Assembly of the Guarani People (APG). On Aug. 19 the protesters seized a control station at the facility, but so far they are only maintaining a symbolic occupation and have not shut down production.

On Aug. 21, the APG met with Bolivian government authorities and proposed that Transierra pay $4.5 million by Aug. 25, with the rest of the money due in five years. After five hours of meetings, in which a Bolivian government commission met separately with the APG and the company, Transierra manager Marcos Beniccio announced he would discuss the APG’s demands with the firm’s shareholders and the World Bank, which is financing the pipeline.

On Aug. 22, two truckloads of activists arrived to reinforce the occupation, and the APG said it would continue to hold the Parapeti station until at least Aug. 25, when talks with Transierra and the government of leftist indigenous president Evo Morales Ayma were set to resume. (Europa Press, Aug. 22; AP, Reuters, Terra Brasil, Aug. 22)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Aug. 27

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OPENS

On Aug. 6, Bolivian president Evo Morales Ayma presided over a ceremony in the central plaza of the southern city of Sucre, Bolivia’s historic capital, marking the start of sessions for the Constituent Assembly elected on July 2. The Assembly will have the task of rewriting Bolivia’s Constitution over the next year.

“Our natural resources have been looted, they must never again be surrendered to the transnationals,” Morales told a crowd of thousands attending the event. “This assembly must have all the powers, it must even be above Evo Morales, because its mission is not to reform the Constitution but to re-found the country, overcoming centuries of discrimination against the indigenous people,” said Morales. “I will subordinate myself and fulfill what it says.”

A majority of the 255 members of the Constituent Assembly are indigenous, and the body’s president is Silvia Lazarte, a prominent Quechua campesina leader from the Chapare region of Cochabamba department. Addressing the crowd, Lazarte noted the double discrimination faced by indigenous women, even within their own social organizations. (AP, Aug. 6) Lazarte was among some 100 leaders arrested in a police raid on campesino coca growers (cocaleros) on Jan. 19, 2002; she was one of the last two leaders released on bond a month later, on Feb. 20. The case apparently never went to trial. (AP, July 31)

Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera laid out four challenges facing the Assembly: overcome political inequality to build a multicultural state; develop a community-based development model; modify the “economic structure” which has forced Bolivia to rely on exporting raw materials; and preserve the unity of the country while granting greater autonomy to each of its nine regions. (AP, Aug. 6)

Morales’ party, the Movement to Socialism (MAS), has 137 of the 255 seats in the Constituent Assembly; according to the rules laid out in the law convening the Assembly, two thirds—170 votes—are needed to approve changes to the Constitution. The second-largest bloc in the Assembly is the right-wing Social Democratic Power (Podemos) coalition, with 60 seats. Morales has said that the MAS will negotiate with other groups, but not with Podemos. The Constitution the Assembly drafts will have to be approved by voters in a referendum. (El Nuevo Herald, Aug. 5 from EFE)

Among the throngs attending the inaugural event were thousands of representatives of indigenous and campesino organizations from around the country who held their own parallel grassroots assembly in Sucre on Aug. 4, followed by a march on Aug. 5 to hand in their proposal to the Constituent Assembly. The groups included the Only Union Confederation of Bolivian Campesino Workers (CSUTCB), the Chiquitana Indigenous Organization (OICH), the Coordinating Committee of Ethnic Peoples of Santa Cruz (CEPESC), the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Bolivian Campesina Women (FNMCB-BS), the Landless Movement (MST) and the Assembly of the Guarani People, among others. (Bolivia Indymedia, Aug. 5; La Jornada, Mexico, Aug. 5)

On Aug. 2, Morales handed over 50 tractors from Venezuela and more than 2,000 land titles at a ceremony in the village of Ucurena, in Cochabamba department, where Bolivia’s first agrarian reform decree was signed on Aug. 2, 1953. Thousands of campesinos attended the event marking the start of the Morales government’s “agrarian revolution.” Morales said campesino organizations have suggested shutting down Bolivia’s Congress, which on July 31 failed to accelerate legislation on the confiscation of unproductive privately held agricultural land. “I’m not asking to close Congress, but Congress must respond to the demands of the campesino movement,” Morales warned. (AP, Aug. 2; LJ, Aug. 1) Morales held a similar ceremony on June 3 in the city of Santa Cruz to announce the land reform program.

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Aug. 8

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also:

WW4 REPORT #123, July 2006
/node/2144

“Bolivia: conspiracy against constitutional reform?”
WW4 REPORT, Aug. 14
/node/2331

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Sept. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingBOLIVIA: INDIGENOUS SEIZE GAS PIPELINE 

JIHAD, INTELLIGENCE & 9-11

The “Big Wedding” and Its Sinister Offspring

Book Review:

The Big Wedding: 9-11, The Whistle Blowers and the Cover-Up
by Sander Hicks
VoxPop, New York, 2005

by A. Kronstadt, The Shadow

In the months after the horrific events of September 11, 2001, American society experienced an eclipse of reason, during which George W. Bush was given a blank check to transform government in his own image. Abominations like the USA PATRIOT Act went through Congress with no more than a whimper of meek opposition. It would have been considered positively unpatriotic to question whether putting the entire emergency management system under the hegemony of the Department of Homeland Security bureaucracy was really a good idea. It was not until the governmental fiasco in the wake of Hurricane Katrina that this question was finally answered. Only now are people beginning to realize that in the days, indeed in the hours after the World Trade Center was destroyed, certain completely unproven notions were imprinted upon our minds. (I use the word “imprinted” in the same sense that scientists use it in describing how experiences of baby animals determine their behavior for life.) For a little while there, the horror of September 11 and the deliberately manipulated imagery reduced the American populace to the status of infants—unable to comprehend, picking up the concepts, the language itself, from the grownups, those in power.

One hope for getting Americans out of their post 9-11 trance is that a large number of independently-produced and published documentaries and books are being generated by dedicated and patriotic researchers and investigators that reveal more truth behind the events of September 11, 2001. One such book is The Big Wedding: 9-11, The Whistle Blowers, and The Cover-Up, authored by Brooklyn-based investigative journalist Sander Hicks. The title of this engrossing work is based on a code-word alleged to have been used by some of the 9-11 terrorists referring to the attack, but which could also be interpreted as referring to the conjugal bliss that the U.S. government has enjoyed with Islamic fundamentalism.

In The Big Wedding, Hicks develops a thesis, based on interviews with ex-intelligence operatives, many of whom were involved in, or in close proximity to “black ops,” i.e., covert criminal operations carried out by government agents. Hicks’ informants in The Big Wedding are a rogue’s gallery that includes a diamond smuggler, pedophile, and Egyptian double agent. These unsavory characters provide Hicks with information that he weaves into a story where there are no boundaries between the Pakistani intelligence service (ISI), US intelligence, and Islamic fundamentalists, perhaps including those involved with the 9-11 attacks. Hicks bases many of his contentions on information that is common knowledge.

The marriage between these forces was brokered by members of the Reagan administration to counter the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the 1980s. Pakistan had always been a good Cold War ally of the US and our enemies, the Soviets, were close to Pakistan’s arch-enemy India. Pakistani intelligence helped create and later served as a partner to the ultra-orthodox Islamic fundamentalist Taliban militia, at the behest of the US. The Afghan Mujahideen rebels, precursors to the Taliban, fought against a succession of secular, pro-Soviet regimes in Afghanistan, and were joined by foreign forces, including Osama bin-Laden and other Saudis. [Years of infighting after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 led to the Taliban taking power in 1996—Ed.]

Financial backing for the Mujahideen was funneled in through front companies of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), a Pakistan-based institution originally touted as a source of capital for poorer nations, but which evolved into a kind of state-within-a-state in Pakistan, heavily overlapping with high-ranking personnel with the ISI. BCCI was mentioned as a link between the Bush and bin Laden families in Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9-11, which showed that Bush crony James Bath acted as an intermediary for money transfers between Saudi moguls, including [Osama’s late half-brother] Salem bin-Laden, and some Bush enterprises, via BCCI majority shareholder Sheik Khalid bin Mafouz. But Hicks points out that BCCI was also an instrument used by US and Pakistani intelligence agents to hook up deals with arms merchants and supply the Afghan Mujahideen with weapons to fight the Soviets.

Although BCCI collapsed in the early 1990s, the basic infrastructure of money laundering and arms dealing created by the US and Pakistan to aid the Islamic fundamentalist cause in Afghanistan has continued to exist, and Hicks contends that it was this infrastructure that financed the 9-11 attacks. As evidence for this, Hicks points to a key event on Oct. 9, 2001, that the US media failed to mention, but reported by the Times of India and Agence Presse France, whereby a middleman, acting on behalf of Pakistani intelligence chief General Mahmood Ahmad, wired $100,000 to purported 9-11 terrorist ringleader Mohammed Atta the day before the September 11 attacks. Ahmad was dismissed from his post as the head of the ISI in October 2001, due to his alleged ties to the Taliban and Pakistani Islamist groups.

Ahmad’s dismissal came at a time when Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf had publicly renounced his government’s past links to the Taliban and pledged Pakistan’s support for Bush’s War on Terrorism. One could speculate whether or not the Times of India report on the ISI chief’s role in 9-11 was a piece of Indian propaganda, but the links between US intelligence, the ISI, and Islamists in Pakistan and Afghanistan are incontrovertible common knowledge.

The Big Wedding includes an interview with sleazy diamond merchant turned FBI informant Randy Glass, who says that, in June of 1999, he participated in a sting operation that involved meeting Pakistani arms dealer R.G. Abbas at the Tribeca Grill, a pricey New York restaurant owned by actor Robert De Niro, a few blocks from the World Trade Center. According to Glass, also at this meeting was Diaa Mohsen, an Egyptian arms dealer who had introduced Glass to a number of key terror figures who Mohsen knew on a business level. Subjects discussed at the Tribeca meeting included sales of anti-aircraft missiles and heavy water which Pakistani nuclear weapons researchers wanted in order to manufacture plutonium. However, at a certain point in the conversation, Glass says, Abbas pointed to the Twin Towers and told him: “Those towers are coming down.” Glass states that he tried desperately to inform his FBI handlers and later, Senator Bob Graham, about the plot he had gotten wind of, but the information was ignored, if not actively suppressed. The sting operation, called Operation Diamondback, concluded in June 2001, with Mohsen and a few others convicted on several counts of money laundering and violation of arms export laws. Mohsen was sentenced to only 30 months, though he violated Federal anti-terrorism laws and should have received a much stiffer penalty.

Another figure in The Big Wedding is Delmart Vreeland, who had worked as a spy for the Office of Naval Intelligence and, while in jail in Canada in the summer of 2001, prepared a series of notes describing potential terrorist targets of which he had knowledge, demanding to have them passed on to U.S. and Canadian authorities. Vreeland claims to have run across a document passing through Russian intelligence circles, stating that there would be an attack on the World Trade Center in September 2001. Hicks includes evidence to vouch for Vreeland’s intelligence credentials, but unfortunately, Vreeland comes across as being crazy. Hicks does not deny that many of his informants are so, and indeed out-and-out criminals—but these are the most suitable types for the “black ops,” in which they were able to pick up information on the most nefarious acts of the United States government. Hicks told The Shadow: “Intelligence agents can out-criminalize criminals. There are no archbishops in espionage. You don’t have to like these people, you just have to find corroboration.”

One of Hicks’ intellectual precursors in contending that double agents working for the both United States government and Islamic fundamentalist forces were at the bottom of the September 11 attacks is Daniel Hopsicker, author of Welcome to Terrorland: Mohammed Atta and the 9/11 Coverup in Florida. In The Big Wedding, Hicks focuses closely on Hopsicker’s research regarding Huffman Aviation and its training school in Venice, Florida. Three of the four supposed 9-11 pilots learned to fly at Venice Municipal Airport, where Huffman is based, and a fourth trained at the neighboring Florida Flight Training Center. In Welcome to Terrorland, Hopsicker outlined the role of Huffman’s owner Wally Hilliard in making the aviation company’s Venice airfields available as resources for government-sponsored drug dealing, which allowed the Mujahedeen to remain self-sufficient.

Hopsicker paints a picture of Mohammed Atta when he was at Huffman in Venice and in the nearby Florida Keys, that is a little different from the devoted true believer who appears in the 9-11 Commission report. Atta comes across as a cynical carouser who loved alcohol and parties, and seems to fit the profile shared by a number of Egyptian double agents that have simultaneously served the interests of Western intelligence and Islamic fundamentalism. Hicks compares Hopsicker’s Atta with Emad Salem, the Egyptian double agent who acted as a government informant and instigator in connection with the World Trade Center bombing in 1993.

In The Big Wedding, Hicks lambastes the 9-11 Commission, which he describes as a group of ten Washington insiders, and its report, which he accuses of ignoring anomalies, such as the fact that the 9-11 attacks took place on a day when there were three large-scale air-defense drills in progress, immobilizing any Air Force resources that might have responded effectively to the incidents. The indisputable fact that this “stand-down” was in progress on 9-11 has become a key piece of evidence for 9-11 skeptics, whether they be of the “they let it happen” or the “they made it happen” school of thought.

In addition to his journalism, Sander Hicks is among the pioneers of a nascent 9-11 Truth Movement. Although this effort unites independent thinkers of the left, right, and center, its members share a common distrust of the official conspiracy theory, whereby “the enemy” attacked America just because they hate our freedom. Another pioneer of this movement is Nicholas Levis, a coordinator of the 2006 Summer of Truth campaign in New York. Levis and Hicks, as well as the many thousands of Americans who have become inquisitive about the real sequence of events that led to the events of September 11, share a common distrust of the motives of the US government, not just about its competence.

Levis told The Shadow: “I have come to the conclusion that this was an orchestrated event, that there was facilitation within the US government; even though they may have used found elements, namely the Islamic fundamentalists, I don’t buy incompetence when it is this persistent. Bush, Rumsfeld, [Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff] General [Richard] Myers and General [Montague] Winfield [of the National Military Command Center] all found reasons not to be active on this day. Then there was [Strategic Command chief] Admiral [Richard] Mies, who was running the overall set of air defense war games under the umbrella of Global Guardian. Some of these exercises, like Vigilant Guardian and Vigilant Warrior, appear to have used the scenario of multiple domestic hijackings and crash bombings, and this on the day when it actually happened. The evidence indicates that all of this was deliberately intended to confuse a response. The inaction by the head men in the military chain of command indicates intent.” Levis added: “When the old Iran Contra crew is back in power after a stolen election, what do you expect? They committed all of these kinds of crimes already in the ’80s, but they needed an enabling event before Americans would support multiple invasions and the transformations we’ve seen since September 11.”

On the subject of motive, Sander Hicks told The Shadow: “If you want to know why, look at the statements published by the Project for the New American Century in 2000.” PNAC is the neoconservative Washington think tank founded in 1997 by William Kristol, which includes as members Richard Armitage, Jeb Bush, Dick Cheney, Lewis Libby, Richard Perle, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz. In 2000, PNAC issued a position paper titled “Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century,” which includes the following ominous line, referring to the difficulty of implementing their right-wing agenda: “…the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event, like a new Pearl Harbor.” The 9-11 Truth Movement people are quick to interpret the PNAC document’s oddly tacked-on phrase “a new Pearl Harbor” as a prefiguration of 9-11.

Two things are certain. First, that the “new Pearl Harbor” did indeed happen on September 11, 2001. Second, that Bush used the horrific events of that day to justify and blunt the opposition to the subsequent US invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq. More and more people in America are coming to the conclusion that this cannot be a coincidence. The 9-11 Truth Movement, whose foundations are being laid by people like Hicks, Levis, and others (including investigators at The Shadow), is united by incontrovertible evidence that some in government had the intention and ability to arrange an incident that would turn the public’s head just long enough to let them achieve their stated and published goals. Those of us who have seen the first threads of the “big lie” come loose have a responsibility to unravel the remainder of this fabric of deceit and to convince people to take political action.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Sander Hicks is now running for governor of New York: As he explained to the SHADOW: “I’m running for governor because most New York State folks are progressive, and neither party represents that. Most New Yorkers are pro-peace and anti-death penalty, but [NYS Attorney General and gubernatorial candidate Elliot] Spitzer was rabidly pro-Iraq invasion, and he’s pro-death penalty. He ignored a 2004 poll that showed 66% of the state wanted him to investigate all the anomalies around 9-11. Not listening to a majority is grounds for immediate termination of his public office. Spitzer has got to go.”

——

This story originally appeared in the Summer 2006 edition of The Shadow
http://www.shadowpress.org

RESOURCES:

9-11 Truth
http://www.911Truth.org

Let’s Roll 9-11
http://www.letsroll911.org

Total 9-11 Info
http://www.total911.info

Summer of Truth
http://www.summeroftruth.org

Sander Hicks website
http://www.sanderhicks.com

“India Accuses Ex Pakistan Spy Chief Of Links to US Attacker: Report,”
AFP, Oct. 12, 2001, online at Bill St. Clair’s 9-11 Timeline
http://billstclair.com/911timeline/2001/afp101001.html

“Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century,”
Project for the New American Century, 2000
http://newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf

———————–
Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Sept. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingJIHAD, INTELLIGENCE & 9-11 

VENEZUELA: THE GREENING OF THE REVOLUTION

Urban Gardening and Self-Sufficiency in Caracas

by April M. Howard, Toward Freedom

In the middle of the modern, concrete city of Caracas, Norali Verenzuela is standing in a garden dressed in jeans and work boots. She is the director of the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I, the first urban, organic garden to show its green face in the heart of the city.

One afternoon while international crowds swarmed the city for the World Social Forum, I visited the “organoponic” garden to talk with Verenzuela about the garden’s place in the city and Venezuelan politics. To Verenzuela, the garden represents a shift in the ways that Venezuelans get their food. “People are waking up,” she had recently told the press. “We’ve been dependent on McDonald’s and Wendy’s for so long. Now people are learning to eat what we can produce ourselves.” [1]

Busy commuters might miss the corner of green between busy sidewalks at the Bellas Artes metro stop and the shiny skyscrapers of the Caracas Hilton. At the edge of the garden, a squat concrete shed has a window onto the sidewalk. Inside, shelves display bunches of lettuce and carrots for sale to the public at much cheaper prices than found in the grocery stores.

This 1.2-acre plot tucked into what was an empty lot is part of a plan led by the government of President Hugo Chavez to shift the Venezuelan economy toward what it calls “endogenous development.” Defined by its roots, the word “endogenous” means “inwardly creating,” which is what the leaders of the Bolivarian Revolution would like to make the economy of Venezuela.

Since 1998, the government of President Hugo Chavez has embarked on wide-ranging projects to redistribute Venezuelan resources and services. He has promised radical change to the 83% of Venezuelans who live below the poverty line in a country that is one of the world’s largest exporters of oil. [2] Chavez has redirected oil income from a large and wealthy management class to a multiplicity of projects designed to improve social welfare. The scope of these projects range from programs aimed to address health and educational needs to the gardens, which are designed to change the modus operandi of the Venezuelan economy

In theory, an endogenous Venezuelan economy would be more self-sufficient and would favor products made in Venezuela by Venezuelans. “We have been exporters of raw materials and consumers of manufactured goods. One of the first objectives…is to put a stop to that game,” says Carlos Lanz, an endogenous strategist for the Bolivarian Revolution. [3]

The OrganopĂłnicos are inspired by similar projects that sprung up in Cuba after the fall of the Soviet Bloc. Under this model, Venezuelans would buy and consume food grown in Venezuela, as opposed to the current situation in which, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Venezuela imports about 80% of the food that it consumes. The FAO maintains that this has meant trouble for the poorest sections of society, and small farmers in particular. [4]

The garden that I visited has been called a showcase for the endogenous program. Director Verenzuela tells me that the garden was created in 2002 as a cooperative. However, there were organizational problems, and many left the cooperative. It was then converted into a government project and inaugurated in 2003 as the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I by President Hugo ChĂĄvez. Now the garden is supported by a variety of governmental and international agenices that make up Venezuela’s Special Program for Food Security (SPFS).

The Venezuelan SPFS is one of 71 international food security programs initiated by the United Nations since 1996—but Venezuela’s in in many ways distinct. “Venezuela’s SPFS is nationally owned and is one of the largest in Latin America… [and] has been designed, planned and implemented by the Venezuelan government and the country’s rural communities.” [5] The main foci of the program are: management of water resources; intensification of crop production; production diversification and analysis of constraints faced by small farmers.

The program is funded mainly by the Venezuelan government, with a significant contribution by the FAO, and a small amount from the Cuban government. As a part of the SPFS, Chavez and the program directors have set a target of supplying 20% of Venezuela’s vegetable production from the new urban gardens. [6] The Agriculture Ministry is planning to plant 2,470 more acres of organic urban gardens this year. [7]

The Cuban government has also sent support in the form of agricultural specialists. The program also holds workshops to show people how to grow vegetables in raised beds or pots in their yards or houses for their own consumption.

Inspired by the Cold War

The modern urban gardens that inspired the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I were not initiated by a government, but by Cuban citizens who desperately needed food.

After the collapse of the USSR, Cuba no longer had access to much of the 57% of its food that it had imported, mostly from the Soviet bloc, or the fertilizers, pesticides and cheap fuel it needed for large-scale industrial farming. [8] In the ensuing economic crisis, Cubans in the city began to create their own organic urban gardens out of necessity, which came to be called organopĂłnicos.

“Cuba’s agricultural scientists had been researching organic farming before the Special Period, but the government was caught off guard when organopĂłnicos started sprouting spontaneously,” reports American farmer Peter Rosset, co-director of Food First and the Institute for Food and Development Policy in Oakland, California. [9] The government jumped on board when it became evident how successful the small gardens were, and now the Cuban scientists try to keep up with these backyard farmers. Eventually, most of Cuba’s large-scale, mono-cropping, export-oriented farming system was converted to an alternative food production system using low-input, sustainable techniques. [10]

The Cuban government now states that 50% of the vegetables produced on the island come from urban gardens. [11] By the end of 2000, food availability in Cuba had reached daily levels of calories and protein considered sufficient by the FAO. In Havana, 90% of the city’s fresh produce now comes from organic local urban farms and gardens. By 2003, consumption of diesel fuel was down by more than 50% of 1989 levels, and chemical fertilizers and synthetic insecticide use were both less than 10% of former levels. Instead, bio-pesticides, soil treatments and beneficial insect breeding are used to protect crops. Scientists and farmers are feeling so confident in the garden program that they claim even should the blockade fall, they will not shift their methods back to industrial monoculture. [12]

In Venezuela, any sanctions imposed by the socialist-wary US government could result in similar problems; thus President Chavez’s interest in Cuban methods of self sufficiency. During Chavez’s presidency, he has used Venezuelan oil as an offering of solidarity to many allies, including Cuba. An energy agreement he created now supplies the island with up to 53,000 barrels of oil per day, and has made Venezuela Cuba’s most important trading partner. [13] In exchange, the clinics, schools and technical projects initiated by the Chavez government are all visited, advised and staffed by Cuban doctors, engineers and technicians.

The gardens are just a small part of Chavez’s work to rectify larger land problems in Venezuela. Currently, less than 2% of the population owns 60% of the land. Because of the success of the oil industry, Venezuela’s agricultural sector has been long neglected. This is not to say that there is a lack of arable land, but production accounts for only 6% of the GDP, and “Venezuela’s agricultural sector is the least productive in all of Latin America.” [14] This has created the “exogenous” situation that Venezuela finds itself today, importing 80% of food consumed. [15] In contrast, the United States’ agricultural imports account for 13% of total food consumed, though the percentage is rising. [16]

Part of Chavez’s program has been to officially give the land to the people who need it, and in many cases are already using it. He has worked actively to redistribute land in the cities by giving squatter communities the titles to their land, and has promised to redistribute more rural land. His most notable action has been the seizure of unused foreign-owned ranches without offering to pay the previous owners. One of the first to be transferred to squatter ownership was a British-owned cattle ranch called El Charcote, which was given to farmers in early 2005. [17] Chavez has also moved to ban genetically modified seeds, and to create a seed bank for the preservation of indigenous crops around the world. [18]

Creating the Garden in the City

For Norali Verenzuela, the story of the OrganopĂłnico began when she was studying social work and went on a two-month government-sponsored trip to Cuba in 2003. She was impressed by the garden programs she saw in Cuba. When she got back, she was excited to hear Chavez talking about public organic gardening as a possible solution to Venezuela’s food importation problem. When she heard about the Cuban-inspired project at Bellas Artes, she immediately asked to join.

Now neat rows surround a water tank in concentric circles of companion planted beds. As we walked between the rows I saw lettuce, peppers, bok choy, beets, carrots, a green called verdolaga (similar to purslane), eggplants, Chinese cabbage, and a variety of herbs. Chives and calendula were interspersed decoratively. For such an international collection of plants, the weeds were staunchly Venezuelan. As we walked around the garden translating plant names and uses back and forth from Spanish and English, Verenzuela pointed out a slim stalk of amaranth in the bushes on the side. The ancient native grain locally called “Caracas grass” was the main sustenance of the indigenous people—and was therefore burned by the Spanish. Though the garden doesn’t cultivate it, she says that it is a powerfully nutritive plant, and that the healthiest seniors she knows all eat it faithfully.

Before the garden was there, the open lot was a security concern for its owner, the government-owned Anauco Hilton hotel. Five security guards were hired to monitor the space, and the walls around the garden still sport the barbed wire that was used to keep purported vagrants and drug dealers out. Now the Anauco Hilton pays the garden workers’ salaries and one security guard to monitor the territory. The garden is also home to two tranquil guard dogs which have been well trained not to dig up the beds. When I asked several veteran street vendors nearby about the security concerns, they all agreed that the area was less dangerous. They liked being able to buy the cheap vegetables, too.

The seeds, tools and supplies used in the garden are paid for by the government. In addition to the regularly paid staff, the garden accepts drop-in unemployed workers from nearby barrios, such as Caricuao, who can work and take home vegetables. Much of the recent barrio population in Caracas has migrated to the city from the countryside, and know how to perform agricultural work. According to Verenzuela, the climate allows for the gardens to be productive year round. When crops are harvested, the beds are empty several days at most before new crops are planted.

Verenzuela herself returned to Cuba in 2005 to study the urban gardens and find systems to emulate back in Caracas. She was intimidated by what she saw as a monumental success. “But we are still young,” she says, “We can’t help it if their beets are twice as big, we’ll get there.”

Cuban agricultural scientists often visit and help the Bolivar I garden. Among the gardeners, two are Cuban agricultural engineers.

However, program directors are quick to insist that the gardens are made for a Venezuelan, not Cuban reality. “It’s not a Cuban model,” said Cojedes state governor Jhonny Yanez, a Chavez ally leading the land reform charge. “It’s a Venezuelan model based on an oil economy that can feed itself.” [19]

Opposition to the Garden

Although the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I has become an established part of the city, Caracas hasn’t always met it with open arms. The garden project has been criticized as a hypocritical publicity stunt by both Caracans and international environmentalists. While the garden might be seen by environmentalists as a nice gesture, they cite Chavez as a threat to the environment, due to his program’s dependency on the oil industry and the refining of Venezuela’s sulfur-heavy crude. Government contracts with oil companies Petrobras and ChevronTexaco have focused on drilling in the Amazon. [20] However, the most direct assaults on the garden have come from anti-Chavez Caracans.

The Opposition, as it is generally known, meet all government projects with distrust and derision, if they admit that the projects are happening at all. While Chavistas are stereotyped as poor Venezuelans from the barrios, the Chavistas call the Opposition los esqualidos, or the squalid people, and portray them as wealthy oligarchs. During my time in Venezuela, I found that the situation is not that simple. I spoke with people in the barrios who were skeptical of Chavez, and a businessman flying to New York City who was very supportive of Chavez. Talking to a range of Venezuelans is a dizzyingly inconsistent experience. Both Chavistas and those in the Opposition that I met believed that they were in the majority and that the other side was completely corrupt.

Still, the claims made by the Opposition are more difficult to swallow. All of the Opposition supporters I spoke with believe that they are the majority, and that Chavez has very little support in the country. This is in spite of the fact that elections (deemed fair by international observers) show that Chavez consistently receives 60% of presidential votes. Chavez has won 9 elections and a recall referendum, and was reinstated by massive popular protest after he was kidnapped in an attempted coup in 2002. I was told that Chavez’s endogenous economic policies are driving out foreign investment and that he will bring the country to economic ruin. In some cases, Opposition supporters tried to convince me that Chavez is embezzling the oil money that is supposedly going to social programs, and that there are no social programs going on at all. During my visits to the barrios, it was clear that schools, medical clinics, government-subsidized markets and community radio stations were in construction or full swing.

Ingrained in the culture of the wealthy opposition is a sense of entitlement to the resources that they have always had control over, and a belief that poor Venezuelans live the way that they do because they are lazy and racially inferior. Some of the wealthiest Opposition supporters are concerned that their property might be taken away, as has happened to foreign owners of unused countryside. One man approached me on the subway and missed his stop to tell me that he was being secretly banned from government jobs for voting against Chavez in the 2004 referendum.

One of the most ridiculous claims of the Opposition (and the most repeated in the US) is that Chavez is restricting freedom of the press. Most media in Venezuela is owned by the Opposition. The television stations and newspapers ridicule and rail against the government on a daily basis, and some stations seem to dedicate themselves to it. This is not to say that the pro-government papers and TV station are less biased, but they are the minority. [21]

The garden hasn’t been immune to this political divide either. In the first few months of its existence, the garden saw some sabotage (from the Opposition, according to Norali Verenzuela), in which some plants were robbed. At other times, people stood outside the gardens and protested, and the workers ended up calling the police. Some Caracans have also complained about the smell of the manure imported from the country. The press ran stories saying that the vegetables were contaminated and unsafe to eat. Late last spring, workers found a huge snake, which someone had slipped into the garden at night. The gardeners have taken these attacks in stride, partially because it has become evident that the organopĂłnicos represent much more than simple gardens. “As a pilot project,” Verenzuela noted, “it [the garden] can’t be allowed to fail.” [22]

In some cases, workers even found practical uses for the weapons of attack. In November, workers found some very destructive goats, which were let in to the garden by the Opposition, according to Verenzuela. Before the goats were able to do too much damage, workers caught, killed, roasted and ate them as an afternoon barbecue. Perhaps this is the organoponic interpretation of “When life gives you lemons, make lemonade.”

Recently, according to Verenzuela, the attacks have stopped, and the garden has become an accepted part of the landscape. In fact, Verenzuela says that some of their most faithful customers are opposed to Chavez. “We are making food, and food is not political,” claims Verezuela. “Besides, they know that our food is better.”

Snakes in the Garden

Cynics of the endogenous and organoponic programs have asked why so much energy is being focused in urban gardening when there is so much fertile, unused farming land available in the rural areas. The national farmers’ federation Fedeagro says it is not opposed to the urban food program, but it is concerned about what it perceives as a lack of governmental support for the farming sector. “The problem is that it looks as though the government is concentrating all its efforts on these city farming plots, and yet the national sector remains in the state it’s in,” said Fedeagro’s technical adviser Nelson Calabria. [23]

According to the FAO, 92% of Venezuelans currently live and work in urban centers and a mere 8% in rural areas, [24] which means that, were Venezuela to need to feed itself, the vast majority of the population would be in better shape if cities were also a viable option for food production.

At the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I, Verenzuela pointed out that the idea of urban gardens was a radical one for many Venezuelans. Journalist Magdelena Morales writes of the “the derision of critics,” who scoff at Chavez’s suggestions that barrio residents “should raise crops and chickens on their balconies and rooftops.” [25] As Verenzuela explains, “We are showing people that a garden is possible in a city.”

Another concern that skeptics have had about urban gardens is the very real question of pollution. Some opposition-experts have claimed that the exhaust-laden air of the center of the city center “contains concentrations of carbon monoxide and lead that could contaminate growing plants.” [26] This idea crossed my mind as well, and I asked Verenzuela what their response at the Bolivar I had been. She led me over to a white machine mounted on a post in the middle of the garden. This, she told me, was the garden’s pollution meter (catalizador de contaminaciĂłn), and a technician comes every 15 days to take a reading. She didn’t tell me what the acceptable levels were, but indicated that they hadn’t had any concerns so far.

A Better Alternative

In Havana, where most of the produce available is grown in organoponic gardens, some residents have complained about quality and availability of produce. [27] Luckily, the Bolivar I is under a little less pressure, because at this point gardens are only one of many options for Caracans. Verenzuela says that many Caracans choose to buy their food there because it is fresher and cheaper. Local supermarkets don’t offer a large variety of organic vegetables, and what is there is very expensive compared to the produce at the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I.

The availability of fresh produce is even credited for a change in local dietary habits. When the garden took to growing bok choy; at first, Venezuelans had no idea what it was, but after they saw how many local Asians were buying it, they started to try it as well. Now lettuce and bok choy are big sellers, and the garden market often runs out. Nearby residents weren’t big vegetable eaters; the traditional meals are big on meat and fried starches. However, like their Cuban counterparts, the presence of cheap green produce has led Caracans to eat more greens, says Verenzuela. In Cuba, the increased vegetable consumption has reportedly contributed to a 25% decline in heart disease. [28]

According to Verenzuela, Venezuelans are beginning to realize the risks that agricultural pesticides present. Chemicals are used indiscriminately in Los Andes, the main agricultural region. Verenzuela stated that commercial farmers in Los Andes don’t always follow directions for chemical usage. Farmers sometimes treat their crops and harvest them on the same day, which has led to cancers and infertility in the region. Still, when I asked some street vendors buying their vegetables from the little store by the metro exit if they were happy to be buying organic vegetables, they raised their eyebrows. “Sure,” said a jewelry maker, “but we like these vegetables because they are cheap!”

More than a Garden

At the OrganopĂłnico Bolivar I, there are big plans for the future. Verenzuela would like to sell rabbits, make pickles, and sell potted ornamental and medicinal plants. As it is, Verenzuela regularly provides tours and hosts study groups of university students at the garden. Students studying agriculture at the newly formed Bolivarian University are required to visit and work in the organopĂłnicos.

The garden has also become a safe haven for some local kids. One young girl played quietly in the garden while I visited. “Her father is a street vendor,” explains Verenzuela. “There were some problems, and she started hanging out here. She has her toys here, and we take her to school, and she does her homework here afterwards. She likes it here.”

I take a last deep breath of fresh air before going back onto the crowded street. “Sometimes the people in the city look twice at us if we go out in our farming clothes to do some errands,” Verenzuela says in her oasis of green. “Working here has really changed my life. I’m kind of out of touch with the soap operas and the news, but I like it.”

NOTES

1. Adams, David. “Venezuela’s new revolution centers on land.” St. Petersburg Times, Jan. 24, 2005.

2. Myrie, Clive. “Revolution on Venezuela’s Estates.” BBC News. Aug 23, 2005.

3. Adams, David. “Venezuela’s new revolution centers on land.” St. Petersburg Times. Jan. 24, 2005

4 “Feature: FAO in Venezuela,” Food and Agricultural Organization, 2002.

5. “FAO in Venezuela,” op cit

6. Lamb, Jon. “Food, poverty and ecology: Cuba & Venezuela lead the way,” Green Left Weekly, Feb. 2, 2005.

7. Morales, Magdalena, “Cuba exports city farming ‘revolution’ to Venezuela,” Reuters, April 22, 2003.

8. Lamb, op cit

9. Perkins, Jerry, “Organic farming flourishes in Cuba,” The Des Moines Register, March 16, 2003.

10. Perkins, op cit

11. Morales, op cit

12. Lamb, op cit

13. Morales, op cit

14. Lamb, op cit

15. FAO, op cit

16. Jerardo, Alberto, “The US Ag Trade Balance…More Than Just A Number,” Amber Waves, USDA Economic Research Service, February 2004.

17. “Venezuela to speed up land reform.” BBC News, Sept. 26, 2005.

18. Lamb, op cit

19. Adams, David, “Venezuela’s new revolution centers on land.” St. Petersburg Times, Jan. 24, 2005

20. Vargas Llosa, Alvaro, “Why the Left Should Cringe at Chavez,” RealClearPolitics.org. Feb, 2006; Dahlstrom, Hanna, “Macho Men and State Capitalism: Is Another World Possible?” UpsideDownWorld.org,. Jan. 17, 2006

21. Parma, Alessandro. “Chavez Los Tiene Locos (Chavez Drives them Crazy): A First- Hand Impression of the Venezuelan Opposition.” Venezuelanalysis.com, Nov. 24, 2005

22. Adams, David, “Venezuela’s new revolution centers on land.” St. Petersburg Times., Jan. 24, 2005

23. Morales, op cit

24. FAO, op cit

25. Morales, op cit

26. ibid

27. ibid.

28. Lamb, op cit

——

This story first appeared in Toward Freedom, Aug. 10
http://towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/869/

See also:

“Peak Oil Preview: North Korea & Cuba Face the Post-Petrol Future,”
by Dale Jiajun Wen
WW4 REPORT #123, July 2006
/node/2149

———————–
Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Sept. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingVENEZUELA: THE GREENING OF THE REVOLUTION 

THE NEW AGRARIAN REFORM IN BOLIVIA

by Stefan Baskerville, Diplo

Rusty buses lined the wide road, their roofs packed with men, sitting, crouching and lying down.

Families sat and stood in the back of old pick-up trucks. The people arrived in droves, by truck, bus or on foot, carrying banners and flags. The Wiphala, a flag composed of multi-coloured squares, was held aloft, draped around shoulders and hung from the small trees in the grassy central divide of the road. It represents the indigenous people of Bolivia who make up nearly two thirds of the population, those descended from the people who inhabited the land before the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors. Not only the majority, they are also overwhelmingly the poorest. As one of their leaders said, they are often condemned to work as “peons” or serfs for wealthy landowners, “latifundistas.” This is a situation generations have faced for five hundred years.

On Saturday June 3, 2006 thousands of indigenous campesinos, peasants and agricultural laborers, congregated around a small stage in the eastern Bolivian city of Santa Cruz. Representatives of three communities were presented with the legal titles to their land by President Evo Morales, a former union leader of coca growers and now the first indigenous president of the most indigenous country in Latin America. In total, sixty sets of papers were received by communities from different parts of Bolivia, from the departments of Beni, Cochabamba, La Paz, Oruro, Pando, Santa Cruz and Tarija. The land titles represented over 7.5 million acres of land, for farmer communities as small as 103 acres, and designated native lands as large as 1.1 million acres.

The campesinos were largely poor, with beaten up old sandals, dirty clothes and rough calloused hands, the result of a life of hard labor. With one hand Leon Jeremi Debasces waved the blue and white flag of MAS, the coalition party led by Evo Morales, whilst his other limp arm hung by his side. “It is our right to own land” he said. “We live on the land; our parents lived on the land. This is our life ˆ to work, to produce from the land for our families and for the city. We have to work to survive.”

The legal titles given out by Morales were lying dormant in the government offices of INRA, the National Institute for Agrarian Reform, for up to ten years—a sign of the snails’ pace at which agrarian reform has taken place in Bolivia. They do not represent a large redistribution of state land chosen after Morales took office. The significance of the ceremony at Santa Cruz lies mostly in the symbolism of an indigenous president working for his people, and in the signaled intention of the government to implement existing land laws to benefit the poor indigenous majority.

The event followed Morales’ announcement on May 1 that his government would redistribute millions of acres of state land to the landless, and appropriate those lands held illegally or left idle. Under present Bolivian law land belongs to the state if it doesn’t fulfil an economic or social function. The government has since stated it will redistribute 48 million acres, nearly a fifth of Bolivia. At the event in Santa Cruz, Morales launched an “agrarian revolution”—in contrast to the “reform” of 1996 that has proceeded slowly with minimal benefits for Bolivia’s poorest, allowing the continued existence of large latifundios despite their prohibition by law. Land reform was first enacted into law in 1953 after the Bolivian revolution. Whilst that radical reform was implemented in the western altiplano (highlands), the best arable land in the fertile lowlands of the east has remained in the hands of the few.

Jacinto Herrera Huanca is twenty nine years old, a father of three, and works full time for the FSUTC-SC [FederaciĂłn Sindical Unica de Trabajadores Campesinos], the union representing the landless and poor campesinos of Santa Cruz Department. They amount to around 200,000 people, although the numbers are uncertain because many do not have identification or even birth certificates. “We have been fighting for ten years to get the titles to land” he says. “The people are very happy because until now there have only been promises. The government used to promise and not deliver.”

A few days earlier in a business complex, a large warehouse was filled with around eight hundred people, many dressed in shiny leather shoes with sunglasses clipped to the collar of their shirts. Nowhere were the pervading divisions of race and inequality of wealth more obvious. Waiting staff, many with dark skin, were dressed in bow ties and neat pinafores serving fizzy drinks. It was a meeting of the Camara Agropecuaria del Oriente (CAO), the main federation of landowners in the east of Bolivia, and they were planning opposition to Morales’ plan. Those present were overwhelmingly of European descent and visibly wealthy. The banner above the stage read: “To preserve our model of production”—that is, one built on cheap labor, poverty and sometimes nearly feudal serfdom. Many speakers talked of forming “self-defense committees,” and one man who took the stage said, “I am here like a soldier of the militia, I will fight for my lands, and I say welcome to the Defense Committee of Bolivia.” The calls were repeated by Jose Cespedes, president of the CAO, a few days later.

Whilst the latifundistas talk like victims, they have benefited hugely from the misery and poverty of millions of campesinos. Statistics from the United Nations Development Program demonstrate that while just over 12 million acres of Bolivian land are shared by 2 million campesino families, over 60 million acres are owned by less than 100 families. Among these latifundistas are ex-ministers, foreigners, and influential families, many of whom benefited from the corruption of previous Bolivian governments, notably that of the brutal dictator Hugo Banzer. Most of the illegal handouts took place in the 1970s and 1980s, but manipulations of the law continued into the 1990s.

The overall effect was, in the words of Santos Mumuni, was that “the law has been manipulated so that the land is not for those that work it but for those that pay the taxes. It benefits the rich.” Santos is a law student in Cochabamba specializing in the law of land ownership and agrarian reform. His parents are campesinos in the department of La Paz with “small parcels” of land, and like his president, Santos lost several of his many brothers in childhood—a common occurrence in poor families where malnutrition and disease can be the norm.

Jacinto Herrera Huanca has “a lot of hope about this indigenous government because it understands what it is to live a poor life and to work hard. The people we represent sell what they produce and it is just enough to survive. They produce corn, potatoes, yucca, tomatoes and carrots. They live as peons, they have a lot of children and they earn enough to feed themselves. It is a hard life. Each family has between one and five hectares [two to twelve acres] of land, which represents, for example, two trucks of rice per year, worth US$400-500 each year. Now with their own land things are going to be a little better because before most had to pay rent to work and live there.” Another indigenous leader adds that three days after the event that his people were still making barbecues and celebrating their receipt of land titles. For them, this is a life-changing moment, time for a fiesta.

The issue of land reform in Bolivia will not be resolved for years or possibly decades to come. Land ownership distribution as it stands is unsustainable—divisive, unproductive and unjust, built on centuries of exploitation and corruption. The oppressed people at the bottom of the pile are organized and have hope. Santos says, “I have seen the fight of my parents and it inspired me to join the struggle. Governments did everything they could to help their own people, but the campesinos fought against that and we can now see the results of that fight.”

If Evo and MAS, pushed by Bolivia’s powerful social movements, can prevail, the people of Bolivia will get their land back. The colorful Wiphala flag will continue to fly.

——

This article appears in the September 2006 edition of Diplo, an international monthly current affairs magazine based in London
http://www.diplo-magazine.co.uk

It is also online at Upside Down World
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/376/1/

See also:

“Constitutional Reform in Bolivia:
Between Electoral Theater and Revolution”
by Ben Dangl
WW4 REPORT #124, August 2006
/node/2261

“Bolivia: conspiracy against constitutional reform?”
WW4 REPORT, Aug. 14
/node/2331

———————–

Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Sept. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingTHE NEW AGRARIAN REFORM IN BOLIVIA 

9-11 AND THE NEW PEARL HARBOR

Aw Shut Up Already, Will Ya?

by Bill Weinberg, WW4 REPORT

After the 1898 explosion of the battleship Maine, the 1933 Reichstag Fire, the 1939 bogus Polish “invasion” of Germany, and the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident, it is irresponsible not to consider the possibility that elements of the CIA and/or Bush administration had a hand in the events of September 11, 2001. The inconvenient facts and unanswered questions surrounding the attacks are legion and deeply disturbing—making an examination of official complicity (or outright responsibility) all the more imperative.

However, it is equally irresponsible to accept official complicity in the attacks as a foregone conclusion, and twist every fact to fit it. The mini-industry which has sprung up around 9-11 “conspiracy theory”—as well as the activist campaign that serves as its unpaid advertising department—has merely replicated the dogmatism of the “official version.” Worse, the endemic sloppiness of the self-styled “researchers” is delegitimizing the entire project of critiquing the “official version.” The ostentatiously named “Truth movement” is not clearing the air, but muddying the water.

HAPPY ANNIVERSARY

The approaching fifth anniversary of 9-11 will almost certainly be exploited by the White House to rekindle lagging war fever. Equally certainly, it will be exploited by the conspiracists for their own propaganda purposes. The evident glee with which these supposed antagonists greet the grim remembrance is almost equally unbecoming.

Last September 11, a gaggle of conspiracists attempted to crash the official commemoration ceremony at Ground Zero—doing more to alienate them from the very people they purportedly seek to reach out to than if they’d planned it that way. A larger group of some 200 protesters, organized by NY 9-11 Truth, gathered outside the offices of the New York Times to condemn the failure of the media to examine their claims. But their favored chant was: “Figure it out, It’s not hard, 9-11 was an inside job!” Apart from not rhyming, the slogan sums up exactly why it is so easy for the mainstream press to dismiss them: it asserts a dogma and dismisses dissenters as idiots. It replicates what it ostensibly opposes.

The literature being distributed at the demo was even more revealing. One cluster of activists sold a book entitled 9-11, the Great Illusion: Endgame of the Illuminati. The organizers can’t be held responsible for all the lit given out at their event. But this was a small protest, and such titles give the New York Times a damn good excuse not to take them seriously.

This year, NY 9-11 Truth is distributing a four-page flyer in anticipation of the anniversary, grandiosely entitled “The Essential Truth About 9-11.” The rhetoric builds on the “Truth” movement’s demand that their agenda be placed front and center in the anti-war movement. It reads: “If you’re ready to get to the root causes of war and injustice rather than forever dealing with the symptoms, understanding the reality of 9-11 will expose the forces that have hijacked our country and our lives.” Again, it does not call for vigorous inquiry, but acceptance of a particular version of “reality”—and dismisses those who don’t buy it as unserious.

This would be appalling enough even if the “Truth” movement (never trust that word when it is rendered with a capital T) were not pretending to know more than it does or can. But, as is usually the case, arrogant condescension is linked to intellectual hubris.

FORENSICS, SCHMORENSICS

The collapse of the Twin Towers was a source of controversy from the beginning, and it is not surprising that it has been seized upon as an anomaly. An editorial in the January 2002 edition of Fire Engineering, a respected fire-fighting trade magazine with ties to the FDNY, called the investigation of the World Trade Center collapse “a half-baked farce” and called for a “full-throttle, fully resourced” effort. The piece by Bill Manning, editor of the 125-year-old monthly, especially protested that steel from the site was not preserved for study. The editorial also stated that a growing number of fire engineers were theorizing that “the structural damage from the planes and the explosive ignition of jet fuel in themselves were not hot enough to bring down the towers.”

Manning’s claim is cited in several conspiracist tracts, including the most prominent, The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions About the Bush Administration and 9-11 by David Ray Griffin. The explanation proffered is that the collapse was a “controlled demolition” affected through pre-planted explosives.

But by the time Griffin’s book was published in 2004, the study of the collapse had been taken out of the hands of the Federal Emergency Agency (FEMA), which was widely accused of bungling it, and handed over to the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), which released its findings last year. In the years since Manning’s editorial, a consensus has emerged among engineering and forensic experts as to what the actual mechanics of the collapse were.

The current editor-in-chief of Fire Engineering is Bobby Halton, the Bronx-born retired fire chief of Coppell, Tex., who served as deputy fire chief in Albuquerque for 23 years. Reached for comment through the magazine’s offices in Tulsa, he says this about the claims of pre-planted explosives: “In light of the investigations conducted by NIST and others, this is absolute conjecture and not based on any empirical evidence or fact. The finest scientists available have been over every inch of that event and they know how it came down. The conspiracy theorists are an insult to the memory of the public servants who died trying to protect our fellow citizens. Fire Engineering does not question the findings of NIST.”

It is both a tactical and intellectual error for the “Truth” movement to zero in on the collapse as a key anomaly—as the “Essential Truth” flyer does, pushing the theory that pre-planted explosives brought the buildings down. This theory necessarily assumes that nearly every structural engineer and forensic scientist in the country (the planet, for that matter) is bought off by The Conspiracy. Otherwise there would be a clamor from the entire profession. The “Truth” movement asks us to trust lurid conspiracy-industry videos and websites rather than peer-reviewed findings from NIST, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and even the Skyscraper Safety Campaign (led by 9-11 survivors).

The notion that fire is insufficient to bring down a steel building was already dealt a blow by the February 2005 fire at Madrid’s landmark Windsor office tower. The fire, apparently caused by a short-circuit, resulted in only seven injuries, none serious—but caused several of the top floors to collapse, and sparked fears that the entire 30-story tower could implode unless it was quickly demolished. There was nothing to indicate that the Windsor tower suffered from anything approaching the notoriously fragile, unorthodox construction practices at New York’s late World Trade Center. Yet this development predictably did nothing to slow the relentless carping of the conspiracists that fires never cause steel buildings to collapse.

In April 2005, few media outlets took note of the release of NIST’s long-awaited study on the collapse. The report noted that the WTC’s unusual lack of internal support walls (a measure to increase office space) contributed to the collapse, and that lives were lost due to building occupants scrambling to find seemingly inadequate stairwells. Yet, as one account put it: “The report however did not blame the designers or builders for the WTC collapse…”

This cat was already well out of the bag. Retired New York deputy fire chief Vincent Dunn, author of The Collapse Of Burning Buildings: A Guide To Fireground Safety, told the New York Times Oct. 17, 2002: “There is no other high-rise office building in New York City that would have pancaked down in 10 seconds. This was a fragile, unorthodox construction that should have never been allowed. It was a disaster waiting to happen.”

Sadly, the “Truth” activists are thoroughly complicit in NIST’s whitewash, by letting the Port Authority and the Rockefellers (who oversaw construction of the towers) off the hook for their criminal irresponsibility in risking human life in favor of office space.

In March 2005, Popular Mechanics magazine published a lengthy article (recently expanded as a book), “Debunking 9/11 Myths: Why Conspiracy Theories Can’t Stand Up to the Facts.” Drawing on analyses from structural engineers, a professor of metallurgy and explosives experts, the article found: “Jet fuel burns at 800° to 1500°F, not hot enough to melt steel (2750°F). However, experts agree that for the towers to collapse, their steel frames didn’t need to melt, they just had to lose some of their structural strength—and that required exposure to much less heat.”

The article also quoted retired deputy fire chief Dunn. “I have never seen melted steel in a building fire,” Dunn said. “But I’ve seen a lot of twisted, warped, bent and sagging steel. What happens is that the steel tries to expand at both ends, but when it can no longer expand, it sags and the surrounding concrete cracks.”

The response, of course, was vociferous. Jim Hoffman of the website 9-11 Research charged Popular Mechanics with ignoring other claims of anomalies, such as challenges to the probability of the towers imploding into their own footprint—but the writers had to choose the most prominent conspiracy arguments. To respond to them all would require an encyclopedic effort, especially given the conspiracist tactic of constantly moving the goal post. Hoffman also blasts Popular Mechanics for debunking the claim that the planes that hit the Twin Towers were fitted with mysterious “pods,” indicating they were secret military craft and not hijacked airliners. Hoffman writes: “The article mentions the site LetsRoll911.org and the video In Plane Site, implying they are representative of the skeptics. Of course it makes no reference to skeptics’ sites debunking these productions and the pod-plane idea they feature, such as this page on OilEmpire.us, or this page on QuestionsQuestions.net.” (Links not included here.) But it is not Popular Mechanics’ job to keep track of internecine factionalism in the conspiracy milieu. The “pod” claim is a sufficiently widespread one within the milieu to be “representative.”

Chistopher Bollyn of the right-wing American Free Press takes an ad hominem tack, pointing out that one of Popular Mechanics’ lead researchers in the story was Benjamin Chertoff—apparently a cousin of Michael Chertoff, the Homeland Security secretary. If this is true, it is an egregious faux pas on the part of Popular Mechanics, rendering them vulnerable to dismissal by the very people they seek to reach. But, in the absence of logical or forensic refutation, it does nothing to weaken the article’s analysis.

Another particularly far-fetched claim is that the Pentagon was not hit by a hijacked jet, but by a missile—popularized by French conspiracy writer Thierry Meyssan’s book The Pentagate.

For five years now, the “Truth” movement has pointed to the fact that the Pentagon refused to release the images of the impact picked up by the surveillance cameras. Then, in May 2006, the public watchdog group Judicial Watch prevailed in a Freedom of Information Act suit, winning release of the videotapes. The Pentagon had argued it could not release the images because they were part of an ongoing investigation against accused al-Qaeda plotter Zacarias Moussaoui—an argument which collapsed after Moussaoui was convicted. The released images proved anti-climactic: they were captured on cameras designed to record license plates of cars entering the Pentagon, and the plane (or missile) appears only as a brief white blur as it slams into the building. So the videos themselves settle nothing—but their very inconclusiveness undermines the notion that the Pentagon’s refusal to release them was evidence of a cover-up. Yet, predictably, the conspiracists have not backed off from their claims. Many of them appear not to have got the word that the videos were finally released. States “The Essential Truth About 9-11”: “Despite 84 surveillance cameras, the Pentagon has still not released videos which clearly show Flight 77 striking the building.” Or perhaps the writers exclude the released videos because they don’t “clearly show” the impact—which is a very cynical distortion.

Conspiracy theorists also allege that the flight that went down in Pennsylvania on Sept. 11 was actually shot out of the sky by a military plane which was tailing the Boeing 757. The idea is that the military had to destroy the plane in order to prevent the passengers from seizing control of it from the hijackers—which would have exposed the conspiracy.

New Jersey’s Bergen Record reported Sept. 14, 2001 on numerous local witnesses who claimed to have seen a second plane. A staff writer reported from the Allegheny Mountains hamlet of Shanksville with five separate interviews with residents who lived and worked near the crash site. All said they saw a second plane flying erratically within minutes of the crash of United Flight 93, which took off from Newark two hours earlier. One resident said a small white jet with rear engines and no discernible markings swooped low over her minivan and disappeared over a hilltop, nearly clipping the tops of trees lining the ridge. Another described the plane as an unmarked white Lear-type jet, with engines mounted near the tail. Conspiracy websites and videos tout these claims—while failing to question why sightings of a presumably civilian “unmarked Lear-type jet” points to Flight 93 being shot down by the military.

The Moussaoui case also opened a window into this question. In addition to Fl. 93 cockpit recordings, jurors heard recordings from the cockpit of a private executive jet that tracked the doomed Fl. 93 over Pennsylvania. An official for NetJets, a company that sells shares in private business aircraft, confirmed to the AP Aug. 9, 2002 that the plane tracking Fl. 93 belonged to the company. The official, who asked not to be named, said the company was asked not to comment on the Sept. 11 flight. The government’s pressure on the official not to talk is again typical of the elite culture of secrecy, but revelation of the civilian flight explains the sightings noted by the Bergen Record—a fact neatly, and predictably, ignored by the conspiracy industry.

ROGUE’S GALLERY

As noted before, ad hominem attacks say nothing about the legitimacy of claims. But given that the conspiracy industry’s leading lights set themselves against the entire establishments of media, forensics and structural engineering, it is worth checking out their credentials.

Dylan Avery’s video Loose Change is one of the most popular of the genre. It argues both the pre-planted explosives and Pentagon missile theses. For Flight 93, it takes a different tack—while other theorists have pointed to widely scattered debris to argue that the plane was shot down, Loose Change sees insufficient debris, arguing that the plane was actually commandeered by presumed government agents and diverted to an unused NASA research center.

In June 2006, the website Screw Loose Change, established by critics to debunk the video, reported happily that Gedeon and Jules Naudet, the French film-makers who captured images of the first plane striking the World Trade Center on 9-11, had sent a “cease and desist” letter to Avery, taking him to task for appropriating their footage to advance irresponsible theories, and threatening litigation if he didn’t back down. For the moment, the video has been removed from the Loose Change website. Using footage without permission is not the mark of journalistic integrity.

Far worse is the dirt on Eric Hufschmidt, producer of the video Painful Deceptions, which again argues the pre-planted explosives and Pentagon missile theories (although in his “take,” it was a drone rather than Loose Change‘s favored Cruise missile). Hufschmid’s website (modestly named EricHufschmid.net) is chock full of anti-immigrant and Holocaust-denial propaganda. One page, touchingly entitled “The USA: A Sinking Ship of Wretched Refuse and Huddled Masses,” rails against “illegal immigrants” who steal jobs from “good, decent Americans.” Surprisingly, he finally opts for misanthropy rather than conspiracism as an explanation for society’s perceived ills: “Stop Blaming Individuals; The Majority of People are the Enemy… Most people should not vote! The majority of voters are ignorant, conceited people who are easily manipulated… Also, they ignore or become angry at people such as myself when we try to help them understand these issues. Their ridiculing of us as ‘conspiracy nuts’ is suppressing discussions of our problems.” There are also the requisite photos of the Auschwitz ovens and mounds of unearthed corpses, both of which he argues were too small for there to really have been a Final Solution—which he charmingly calls the “HoloHoax.”

Prominent conspiracist Alex Jones also flirts with xenophobia, if far less blatantly. His websites PrisonPlanet and InfoWars have both run favorable material on the Minutemen anti-immigrant vigilante group and their self-appointed patrols of the Mexican border.

On the subject of genocide denial, another star of the conspiracy circuit is Michel Chossudovsky, editor of the Global Research website and (alarmingly) a professor of economics at the University of Ottawa. In his post-9-11 piece “Osamagate,” he argues not merely that because Osama bin Laden was a CIA asset in the ’80s he therefore still is today, but also that this necessarily implies that he is completely controlled by the US government: “The ‘blowback’ thesis is a fabrication. The evidence amply confirms that the CIA never severed its ties to the ‘Islamic Militant Network’. Since the end of the Cold War, these covert intelligence links have not only been maintained, they have in become increasingly sophisticated. New undercover initiatives financed by the Golden Crescent drug trade were set in motion in Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans. Pakistan’s military and intelligence apparatus (controlled by the CIA) essentially ‘served as a catalyst for the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of six new Muslim republics in Central Asia.'”

Note the disingenuous leap of logic: If the “Islamic Militant Network” (why upper case?) continued to be of use to the CIA after the Cold War, then it was incapable of independent action and the “blowback” thesis must be a “fabrication.” And the thesis of continued CIA-jihad collaboration is exaggerated at best. Chossudovsky’s post-Soviet “Muslim republics” are actually secular regimes, such as that of Uzbekistan’s Islam Karimov—whose harsh dictatorship the US has propped up precisely to keep down Islamic militants. This is the clearest evidence that the spread of radical Islam in Central Asia is indeed “blowback” from the CIA’s Afghanistan campaign of the 1980s.

Chossudovsky’s real obsession, it becomes quickly obvious, is the former Yugoslavia, where he is similarly incapable of conceiving that the Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians were independent actors, instead neatly conflating their national aspirations with al-Qaeda’s (presumably CIA-directed) conspiracies. His unwillingness to concede the possibility of free will to Osama bin Laden is even more perverse given his blithe lack of concern with Serb war crimes. A master of distortion-by-omission, Chossudovsky’s writings on the Balkans admirably avoid even much mention of Europe’s greatest acts of mass murder since World War II. Chossudovsky will not even allow that the genocide in Bosnia and the threat thereof in Kosova served as convenient justifications for US intervention. Instead, he focuses solely on Slobodan Milosevic’s supposed efforts to preserve Yugoslav socialism—a case he makes through an extremely selective assemblage of facts. With Srebrenica and Omarska safely invisible, he waxes histrionic about the supposed jihadi threat to the Serbs. It is appalling that progressives supposedly concerned with post-9-11 persecution of American Muslims would afford any legitimacy to this profoundly racist malarky.

Perhaps nobody has milked 9-11 for self-aggrandizement more successfully than LAPD-cop-turned-conspiracy-guru Michael Ruppert—who similarly plays fast and loose with the facts. On a 2002 speaking tour, Ruppert publicly offered $1,000 to anyone who could prove any of his sources were “misrepresented or inauthentic.” Yet when his bluff was called by this writer that March, he refused to admit it, much less pay up.

The Nov. 2, 2001 edition of Ruppert’s newsletter From the Wilderness opened: “On Oct. 31, the French daily Le Figaro dropped a bombshell. While in a Dubai hospital receiving treatment for a chronic kidney infection last July, Osama bin Laden met with a top CIA official—presumably the Chief of Station… Even though Le Figaro reported that it had confirmed with hospital staff that bin Laden had been there as reported, stories printed on Nov. 1 contained quotes from hospital staff that these reports were untrue.” Le Figaro’s allegation was actually cited to the “claims” of unnamed “sources,” and nowhere did the paper say it had independently “confirmed” that Osama visited the hospital.

In another example, the Sept. 18, 2001 From The Wilderness repeated the common but inaccurate claim that in the spring before the 9-11 attacks the US gave “a gift of $43 million to the Taliban as a purported reward for its eradication of Afghanistan’s opium crop.” The source for this claim was a Robert Scheer column in the May 22, 2001 Los Angeles Times. But Scheer got it wrong. The $43 million was broken down in a May 18, 2001 AP account, and it was mostly drought-relief, to be distributed through NGOs working in Afghanistan—not the Taliban. Only some $10 million was for “crop-substitution programs,” which the Taliban was allowing as part of their anti-opium campaign—but this too was to be administrated by NGOs, not the Taliban. Whatever covert CIA aid to the Taliban may or may not have existed, the US had no diplomatic ties with the regime—therefore, no bureaucratic channels even existed for overt development aid.

Called out on these misrepresentations by WW4 REPORT, Ruppert responded via e-mail: “I am amazed at the unfounded and personal nature of this attack. I will presently prove that it is meritless. I am also amazed that you did not have a journalist’s standard code of ethics at your fingertips to contact me and ask for a response before you unilaterally made the statement that I had been ‘caught in misrepresentations.’ … No, I will not pay you $1,000 because I did not do what you allege. My sources are authentic and they are accurately quoted by any standard.” He then cited an English translation of the Figaro story with the word “confirms.” But the word in the original French was “affirmer”—”to maintain” or “assert.” The correct translation for “confirm” is “confirmer”—which appeared nowhere in Le Figaro’s story. The logical conclusion is that Le Figaro was reporting unconfirmed assertions, not confirmed fact.

As for the supposed $43 million in aid to the Taliban, Ruppert merely reiterated “I can list a number of sources which indicate that the payment was a reward that was given at a time at a time when the Taliban had shown signs of cooperation by destroying their opium crop,” and “at a time when the US gov’t knew that terrorist attacks were likely it gave $43 million to its so-called enemy.” In other words, he remained intransigently oblivious to the fact that none of the money reached the Taliban.

Most ironic, given these distortions, is his accusation that WW4 REPORT violated journalistic ethics. Ruppert’s challenge was public, and it was entirely legitimate to answer it publicly.

Lesser figures in the conspiracy milieu smell similarly suspicious. Many of them are former government figures, and usually from the conservative end of the spectrum. Ironically, given that their entire world view is predicated on the assumption of a monolithic and omnipotent Conspiracy, nothing makes the 9-11 “skeptics” giddier than a whiff of vindication from The Establishment.

One case in point is retired Lieutenant Colonel Robert Bowman, a veteran of the space-based weapons program under Carter and Ford, who has also made much of the Defense Department’s failure to release the videotapes of the Pentagon attack. His website indicates he is a follower of the so-called United Catholic Church, part of the generally reactionary “Traditionalist” schism made famous by Mel Gibson. This doesn’t necessarily delegitimize what he has to say about 9-11. Many Traditionalists are merely nostalgic for the Latin mass, but the movement has also served as a rallying point for neo-fascists of the clerical variety, especially in Europe. Bowman keeps similar company on this side of the Atlantic. In 2000, he campaigned nationwide for the presidential nomination of the Reform Party—the perennial vehicle of Pat Buchanan, who ultimately won the nomination.

Last year, when Paul Craig Roberts, a supply-side wonk from the Reagan Treasury Department, started expressing doubts about the 9-11 “official story,” his claims were picked up by conspiracy writer Greg Szymanski. Morgan Reynolds, a former top economist in the George HW Bush administration was also hailed by Szymanski as “the highest-ranking public official so far to step forward and criticize the government account of 9-11, calling the government story ‘bogus’ and saying the WTC most likely fell from a controlled demolition.” Yet while the conspiracists tout such figures to give themselves a sense of mainstream legitimacy, one of the primary websites to pick up Szymanski’s piece was Arctic Beacon—which states on its homepage that among the topics it seeks to explore is “the Alien Presence on Earth and UFO Phenomena.”

GRIFFIN’S ECHO-CHAMBER

David Ray Griffin’s The New Pearl Harbor has emerged as the bible of the “Truth” movement, and his appearances in New York City last October were standing-room-only. Yet the book merely assembles the “research” of other conspiracy “researchers.” It contains no original research, but cites a number of previous conspiracy works—which also overwhelmingly relied on secondary sources. Chossudovsky, Ruppert and Meyssan are here, as well as Barrie Zwicker, producer of The Great Deception video; Paul Thompson, compiler of the “Was 9-11 Allowed to Happen?” timeline; and Nafeez Ahmed, author of The War on Freedom: How and Why America Was Attacked September 11, 2001. Ahmed’s work similarly compiles the collected anomalies and theories of other conspiracists. Thompson’s timeline is based entirely on mainstream media sources, while Zwicker’s video eschews research almost entirely, merely offering his own interpretation of the well-known events. One of the few researchers cited by Griffin who has done any independent follow-up work at all on claims from secondary sources is Daniel Hopsicker (later author of his own tome, Welcome to Terrorland: Mohammed Atta and the 9-11 Coverup in Florida). But Griffin doesn’t even cite Hopsicker directly, but rather cites Ahmed’s citations of Hopsicker.

Even where Griffin sees the need for follow-up research on the claims of those he cites, he does not rise to the occasion. For instance, he cites Thompson’s citation of a Dec. 11 Richmond Times-Dispatch report quoting the claims of an employee at a gas station near the Pentagon that the FBI showed up “within minutes” and confiscated the station’s video surveillance film that caught images of the impact. Writes Griffin: “This report, if true—and someone could presumably interview the employee, Jose Velasquez—suggests that the FBI had known that an aircraft was going to crash into the Pentagon.” If “someone” could presumably interview the employee, what was stopping Griffin himself?

When Griffin’s credibility is questioned, his defenders resort to the same methodology as their hero: dropping the names of the prominent men who have praised him, including Howard Zinn (who offers a jacket blurb for The New Pearl Harbor), Richard Falk (who wrote the book’s forward) and Gore Vidal. But why should these endorsements legitimize Griffin as opposed to delegitimizing Zinn, Falk and Vidal?

9-11 and 7-7: HOUSE OF MIRRORS

This incestuous recycling of secondary sources is practically emblematic of the conspiracy milieu. A particular case in point is Justin Raimondo of AntiWar.com—who seems to have a particular Jewish obsession. After last July’s London bombings, Raimondo “argued” (implicitly rather than explicitly, to avoid taking responsibility for his words) that the attacks were an Israeli black propaganda job. He cited the claims of “the respected national security-intelligence analysts” Stratfor (respected by whom?) that Israel tipped off the UK which then failed to act—reversing the claims of a July 7, 2005 AP report quoting an anonymous Israeli embassy official that embassy staff had been tipped off before the attack by British police. Raimondo’s apparent assumption is that Israel was behind the whole thing. This raises the question of why Mossad would tip their hand by blabbing to the Brits, making the citation of Stratfor wholly nonsensical. “We report — you decide,” Raimondo disingenuously writes, even as he condescendingly instructs his readers in the proper interpretation: “This isn’t the first time that Israeli foreknowledge of a terrorist attack against the West has been raised by a reputable source. One has to wonder: why is it that these reports of Israeli foreknowledge come up with such metronomic regularity? With all that smoke, is there really no fire?” This is apparently a reference to claims, more dubious than reputable, of “Israeli foreknoweldge” of 9-11 (about which more below).

And so the conspiracy machine grinds on: one website cites another (praising it as “reputable” or “respected”), each adding its own “spin.” Then the mere abundance of images in this house of mirrors is pointed to as evidence of the Conspiracy. Anyone who dissents is accused of being a Zionist (read: Jewish) dupe. Raimondo: “According to Israel’s Amen Corner, to even refer to the AP article is evidence of ‘anti-Semitism’—equivalent to citing ‘The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.’ They obviously believe the Associated Press is run by neo-Nazis…”

No, examining possible Israeli intelligence intrigues isn’t necessarily anti-Semitic. But this rhetoric smacks of Hamlet’s “methinks he doth protest too much.”

In the wake of the London attacks, the conspiracy website Prison Planet jumped on a little-noted report on BBC News that a private (presumably government-contracted) firm called Visor Consultants had been carrying out a test simulating a terror attack on the London Underground July 7—the same day the real attacks occurred. It is a genuinely challenging anomaly. But of course, Prison Planet cannot refrain from telling the readers what to think: “The exercise fulfils several different goals. It acts as a cover for the small compartamentalized government terrorists to carry out their operation without the larger security services becoming aware of what they’re doing… This is precisely what happened on the morning of 9/11/2001. The CIA was conducting drills of flying hijacked planes into the WTC and Pentagon at 8:30 in the morning.”

But this last claim is not verified. In fact, PP’s own embedded link on the drills goes to its page delineating several Pentagon (not CIA) exercises scheduled for the morning of 9-11, including one (“Vigilant Guardian”) that concerned a multiple hijacking scenario—but none concerning “drills of flying hijacked planes into the WTC and Pentagon.” The only one which came close to “drills of flying hijacked planes into the WTC and Pentagon” actually concerned such a scenario at the Chantilly, Va., offices of the DoD’s National Reconnaissance Office.

The apparent fact of the Vigilant Guardian exercise is used by numerous conspiracy websites (such as the modestly named WhatReallyHappened.com) as evidence of an Air Force “stand-down” on 9-11. It is well-established (and not actually contested by PP or What Really Happened) that fighter jets were, in fact, scrambled from Langely Air Force Base in Virginia and Falmouth AFB in Massachusetts on the morning of 9-11. Why they failed to find the hijacked planes is a legitimate question, and it may have to do with confusion arising from Vigilant Guardian. But this is not the same as a “stand-down,” which the American Heritage dictionary defines as “a relaxation from a state of readiness or alert.” Yet “Truth” activists continue to espouse the “stand-down” as dogma.

Prison Planet spells out how the 7-7 conspiracy supposedly worked in an article entitled “How the Government Staged the London Bombings in Ten Easy Steps”: “1) Hire a Crisis Management firm to set up an exercise that parallels the terrorist attack you are going to carry out. Have them run the exercise at the precise locations and at the very same time as the attack. If at any stage of the attack your Arabs get caught, tell the police it was part of an exercise.” Et cetera. Three of the purported London bombers were of Pakistani background, and one was a Jamaican convert to Islam. None were Arab. The conspiracy theory also assumes that Arabs or Pakistanis or whatever are pretty damn gullible.

Accounts of un-Islamic behavior by the purported London bombers also drew analogies to the 9-11 hijackers’ partying on the cusp of their attacks. From PP’s “Ten Easy Steps”: “6) 4th Arab goes out partying in London night before and ends up getting out of bed late. No worries, the 9/11 ‘hijackers’ did the same thing but that didn’t cause us a big problem.”

No source or link is provided for the claim that the “4th Arab” partied on the eve of the attack. And claims about the 9-11 hijackers’ supposed drinking binge may be overstated. Wikipedia (which is at least marginally more reliable than most conspiracy sites) tells us the incident at the Florida sports bar was a week before the attacks (not the “night before”) and that Mohammed Atta, at least, was just drinking juice.

PP also jumped on claims that the bodies of the London bombers were conveniently found with lots of ID—again seeing a reflection of 9-11: “Personal documents of all of them found at the scenes framing the patsies, just like paper passports of the hijackers found on 9/11.”

PP uses the plural (“passports”), but only one supposed hijacker passport was found in the WTC rubble. It belonged to Satam al-Suqami, and confusion about more than one found passport stems from early erroneous accounts that it was Mohammed Atta’s passport that was found. Numerous conspiracy-oriented sites (Newsrake, Rense, KurtNimmo) seem not to have got the word that these early accounts were wrong, and happily go on assuming that both al-Suqami’s and Atta’s were found. People who take such dogmatic stances should be more careful.

This is how the game works. Conspiracists take an element of truth and distort it in the retelling (hoping nobody will notice), until, as in a game of “telephone,” something wholly fantastic is arrived at. This fantasy is then defended dogmatically, and anyone who dissents is attacked as being as a government (or Zionist) dupe.

WHO TOLD 4,000 JEWS TO STAY HOME?

The Internet rumor that 4,000 Jews who worked at the World Trade Center stayed home on Sept. 11, warned in advance of the impending attack, is generally not a part of the “Truth” movement’s vaguely-defined conspiracy consensus. But it is still nurtured by a fringe of the movement, and it serves the conspiracy industry by drawing in those who buy it, who can then be plied with (slightly) more plausible theories. It also reveals how irrational belief can prove frighteningly tenacious in spite of easy refutation.

In the immediate aftermath of 9-11, the rumor was actually reported as fact by some international media outlets, including Russia’s Pravda and Al-Manar TV in Beirut—which cited “Arab sources” quoted in Jordan’s Al-Watan newspaper that the Jewish employees had all been tipped off by Israeli intelligence. The urban legends-busters at Snopes.com—while acknowledging the danger of legitimizing such claptrap by answering it—repudiated the rumor, documenting numerous press accounts of Jews who died in the attacks.

The implication, of course, was that Israeli intelligence was really behind the 9-11 attacks, or allowed them to happen, in order to inflame world opinion against the Arabs. In fact, the UK Telegraph reported Sept. 16, 2001 that “Israeli intelligence officials say they warned their counterparts in the United States last month that large-scale terrorist attacks on highly visible targets on the American mainland were imminent.”

A year after the attacks, all 15 Orthodox Jewish women whose husbands were killed in 9-11 were officially declared widows by the Rabbinical Council of America, freeing them to re-marry. Eleven of the women had faced the prospect of being agunah—a “chained woman,” barred from re-marriage or dating—because their husbands’ remains had not been found. The Sept. 11, 2002 Daily News account of the development quoted Orthodox feminist activist Rivka Haut saying “These rabbis are doing the right thing.”

The one infinitesimal grain of truth behind the 4,000-Jews-stayed-home claim is the apparent fact that some employees at the Israeli office (in Tel Aviv, not New York) of the instant-messaging firm Odigo received text messages in the hours before 9-11 warning of an imminent attack on the World Trade Center. It is a genuinely curious anomaly, but it is seized upon by those who are obviously disappointed they cannot find similar documentation of the more ambitious claim. If you do a Google search for “text messages israelis,” the very first thing that comes up is a reprint of the Sept. 28, 2001 Washington Post story on the Odigo affair—on “Real History and the World Trade Center,” a page on the website of notorious Holocaust-denier and Hitler-apologist David Irving.

Another incident seized upon as evidence of an Israeli plot in 9-11 is the detainment of five young Israelis by the FBI on September 11. The men were picked up at 6 PM in a van on the George Washington Bridge after a New Jersey woman called police to report a group of men standing on top of a van near the bridge “speaking in a foreign language and hugging each other.” The incident may have been the source of widespread but apparently false New York media reports that evening that a bomb had been found on the bridge. New York’s Jewish weekly The Forward reported Oct. 19, 2001 that the men were still being held at Brooklyn’s Metropolitan Detention Center. The men, aged 20 through 27, worked for a local moving company, and were ostensibly held on visa violations. Their attorney, Steven Gordon, protested that they had been subjected to blindfolding, forced polygraph tests and a blackout of information on their rights. He also said non-Muslim inmates “physically threatened” them after Muslim prisoners pressured them to join in a hunger strike. The paper quoted Ido Aharoni of the Israeli consulate saying they were hugging each other in grief, not jubilation. “Obviously, they have nothing to do with the bombing… I think it was just a tragic combination of miscommunication and awkward coincidence.”

This barely qualifies as an anomaly, despite all the attention it has received from the conspiracists. Was Aharoni telling the truth that the men were in grief rather than joy? Or was he just trying to cover for his fellow nationals? Who knows? It doesn’t matter. Hugging in joy (or pumping their fists, as other accounts had it) would have been utterly unbecoming behavior if they were Mossad agents (as asserted by What Really Happened, among others). Clueless, testosterone-juiced young Israeli immigrant workers would be far more likely to commit such an indiscretion than hardened secret agents. A more appropriate response from progressives would be outrage that these workers, along with over a thousand Muslim immigrant workers, were detained.

The 4,000-stayed-home calumny retains currency today, even if (by those with at least a modicum of savvy) it is only invoked with enough wiggle room for deniability. One famous example is the poem “Somebody Blew Up America” by the once-admirable Amiri Baraka, which cost him the position of official New Jersey poet laureate in 2003. The campaign in defense of Baraka after the outcry had legitimacy on free-speech grounds—but in activist circles it was virtually verboten to acknowledge that Baraka had written something genuinely atrocious:

Who knew the World Trade Center was gonna get bombed?
Who told 4,000 Israeli workers at the Twin Towers
To stay home that day?
Why did Sharon stay away?

Baraka can hide behind the fact that these lines appeared in a poem—not an essay or reportage. But it still legitimizes sinister garbage.

UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

The explanations the conspiracists proffer for the anomalies invariably raise more questions than they answer. But these questions go blithely unexamined. It is a pathetically transparent stance for those who are so dogged in exposing the questions raised by the “official story.” This double standard pervades the conspiracy milieu, and undermines its fundamental precepts.

The collapse on Sept. 11, 2001 of World Trade Center 7, a 47-story building across Vesey St. from the Twin Towers, is a case in point. The cause of the implosion has received far less study, and revelations that it had housed a secret CIA office have fueled speculation. World Trade Center leaseholder Larry Silverstein, who was also the actual owner of building 7, was quoted on the TV documentary “America Rebuilds” a year after the attacks that he and the NY Fire Department decided to “pull it” to avoid further “loss of life”—leading conspiracists to assume this means WTC 7 was intentionally brought down with explosives (and, by extension, so were the Twin Towers).

Later, Silverstein Properties issued a statement on the quote which was posted to a State Department web page, “Identifying Misinformation.” The statement claimed that the word “pull” was used not in reference to WTC 7 but to a contingent of fire-fighters which had been sent inside the building. This may not be a plausible explanation, and it may have been made under government pressure. But it is dishonest for the conspiracists who tout the “pull” quote, such as Prison Planet, to ignore the clarification.

But more to the point, the most sinister explanation raises a plethora of questions that defy logic. If the 9-11 conspiracy was orchestrated from the highest levels of government, why should Silverstein have been in on it? If he decided with the FDNY to take down the building to avoid further “loss of life,” why would he later hide it? Would planting explosives in the building really have been any more likely to avoid further fire-fighter deaths? Would it even have been possible, in the chaos of the day? If the explosives were pre-planted, did Silverstein know? Why would he have cooperated in a conspiracy to destroy his own property? If he was involved in a plot to bring down the building, wouldn’t it far more likely be an insurance scam than a government conspiracy? If the desire to avoid “loss of life” was disinformation, why should we accept the “pull it” part of the quote? Would the intentional destruction of WTC 7, with Silverstein’s complicity, prove anything about the destruction of the Twin Towers? Prison Planet and their ilk ask none of these questions. They just wave the “pull it” quote around like a piece of vindication.

Bobby Halton of Fire Engineering outlines the most accepted theory about WTC 7: that the “fuel load”—that is, the flammable materials in the building—ignited due to “radiant heat” from the Twin Towers. “The fuel load was largely polymer-based, and very susceptible to high heat,” Halton says. “Because office furniture is made of polymers rather than wood today, fires are hotter and more intense than ever before. If the building was heavier on top, it was going to pancake in. That’s just the way it goes. The waterlines were disrupted, and the FDNY decided not to fight it.”

Another anomaly seized upon by the conspiracists is the claim that Lt. Gen. Mahmood Ahmed, chief of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had funded the 9-11 hijackers. The claim originated from a story in the Times of India on Oct. 12, 2001, two days after Gen. Ahmed’s resignation. The paper claimed, citing sources in the Indian intelligence services, that “US authorities sought his removal after confirming the fact that $100,000 were wired to WTC hijacker Mohammed Atta” on Gen Ahmed’s orders. The report is rendered doubly anomalous by the apparent fact that Gen. Ahmed was in Washington for talks at the State Department on September 11.

But if Ahmed had acted at US behest, as the conspiracy theory would demand, why would the US have sought his removal? If he was to serve as a scapegoat, why was the affair hushed up—first reported in the Times of India rather than the New York Times? Most significantly, why is the source not questioned? The Indian intelligence services would have every motive to discredit Ahmed.

Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh, named as the middleman who actually wired the money to Atta, would later be convicted in the kidnapping and murder of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl. He seems to have been one of ISI’s links to the same Islamist underground networks that coordinate the resistance in India-controlled Kashmir. Since 9-11, India’s open strategy has been to use Pakistan’s ties to the terror network to drive a wedge between Washington and Islamabad. Given how much of the official story about 9-11 is dismissed by the conspiracists as disinformation, why shouldn’t the claim about Ahmed be disinformation?

Another favorite anomaly concerns claims that seven of the 19 men identified as the 9-11 hijackers are still alive. On Sept. 23, 2001, BBC reported: “Saudi Arabian pilot Waleed Al Shehri was one of five men that the FBI said had deliberately crashed American Airlines flight 11 into the World Trade Center on 11 September. His photograph was released, and has since appeared in newspapers and on television around the world. Now he is protesting his innocence from Casablanca, Morocco… [T]here are suggestions that another suspect, Khalid Al Midhar, may also be alive.”

One Saeed Alghamdi, also bearing the name of an accused 9-11 hijacker, told the UK Telegraph Sept. 23, 2001: “I was completely shocked. For the past 10 months I have been based in Tunis with 22 other pilots learning to fly an Airbus 320. The FBI provided no evidence of my presumed involvement in the attacks.” The Telegraph story also stated: “Mr. Salem Al-Hamzi is 26 and had just returned to work at a petrochemical complex in the industrial eastern city of Yanbou after a holiday in Saudi Arabia when the hijackers struck. He was accused of hijacking the American Airlines Flight 77 that hit the Pentagon.”

But are the claims as alarming as they first appear? Identity theft is obviously at work here. Hijacker eponym Ahmed Alnami told the Telegraph he found it “very worrying” that his identity appeared to have been “stolen” and published by the FBI without any checks. According to ABC News on Sept. 17, 2001, “a Saudi man has reported to authorities that he is the real Abdulaziz Alomari, and claims his passport was stolen in 1995 while he studied electrical engineering at the University of Denver. Alomari says he informed police of the theft.”

Alnami denied to the Telegraph that his passport had ever been stolen, but certainly accepted the identity theft explanation. And why are their identities any more likely to have been stolen by the CIA (or whoever) than by the hijackers or their accomplices? Why would government agents have appropriated the identities of living individuals, who would then complain to the press? The anomaly, in fact, does not point to government complicity in 9-11. But the conspiracists treat it that way.

The conspiracists’ explanations for the anomalies (stated or implicit) almost always fail the test of Occam’s Razor—the logical principle that the most likely cause of a given phenomenon is that which requires the least number of assumptions. Is it impossible that the Twin Towers were brought down by pre-planted explosives, or that a missile hit the Pentagon? No. But are these the simplest or most likely explanations? Again, no.

Starting from unlikely assumptions, the conspiracists must build ever more elaborate theories to support them. For instance, if planted explosives brought down the Twin Towers, it was an almost inconceivably intricate deception. The north tower was hit first, but collapsed second, because the south tower was hit lower—with greater weight above the collapsing floors. The impact of the jets would have to be coordinated precisely with the planted explosives to produce this counterintuitive effect. Thus Thierry Meyssan, in his book The Horrifying Fraud, hypothesizes computer-controlled planes. Thus the conspiracy video In Plane Site sees mysterious pods and purports secret military craft were used in the attacks. (It doesn’t even bother to ask what happened to the actual hijacked planes, American Flight 11 and United Flight 175.) Thus the theories that the planes were secretly controlled from the CIA office in WTC 7, necessitating the building’s destruction to hide the evidence. Et cetera.

The conspiracists deserve credit for catching anomalies before they slip down the Orwellian memory hole. But their approach to the whole project of examining media coverage is inherently disingenuous. The overwhelming majority of coverage is dismissed as lies, but the anomalies which seem to vindicate the conspiracy theory are arbitrarily accepted as truth—the few grains of wheat amid the tsunami of disinformation chaff. The conspiracists are useful in bringing anomalies to light, but they do the truth a big disservice through their sloppiness, treatment of conspiracies as a priori conclusions, and inability to simply let the facts speak for themselves.

CRITICAL INQUIRY VS. CONSPIRANOIA

Conspiracies exist. Watergate and the Iran-Contra scandals were conspiracies. More to the point, history reveals the contrivance of the 1964 Tonkin Gulf incident, the fabrication of Polish incursions against Germany in 1939, and the deception of the Reichstag fire in 1933 as real conspiracies. But the 9-11 buffs too frequently seem to buy into not merely conspiracies but what has been called “the conspiracy theory of history”—the notion that an all-powerful hidden elite constitute the fundamental motor of human events.

This error is evidenced in the “Essential Truth” flyer’s depiction of elite conspiratorial designs as “the root causes of war and injustice.” This is nearly a reversal of reality. “Root causes” have to do with political economy—the unjust social order which requires war and deception to maintain itself, and breeds terrorism. It is the conspiracies which are mere symptoms.

Reversing the equation leads the conspiracists into a number of logical errors and outright deceptions (if self-deceptions) of their own.

The relationship between the CIA and Islamic militants has long been a deeply incestuous one, as has the relationship between the Bush and bin Laden families. But rather than a web of mutual exploitation and manipulation, the conspiracists see al-Qaeda and bin Laden merely as puppets of Bush and the CIA—or, in the more ambitious theories, as non-existent, mere apparitions. Often they act as if 9-11, and perhaps the London attacks, are the only manifestations of Islamist terrorism the world has witnessed. The carnage in Mumbai, in Amman, in Madrid, in Istanbul, in Casablanca, in Bali (twice now) and Jakarta; the countless attacks in Egypt, from Luxor to the recent atrocities in the Sinai; the Shi’ite mosques blown up in Pakistan; the truck-bomb attack on North Africa’s oldest synagogue at Djerba, Tunisia; the East African embassy bombings; the massacres in Algeria; the Chechen insurgency with its outrages at Beslan and Ingushetiya; the long and bloody terror campaign in Kashmir; the bombing wave in Bangladesh; the bombs and hostage-takings on Mindanao; the serial terror in Uzbekistan, Saudi Arabia, and even Iraq—all are invisible to the conspiracists. If all this is the work of some secret team in the CIA, they’ve been very busy and have done a damn good job of covering their trail.

The obvious, inescapable reality is that this is the work of a global movement—clusters of autonomous cells, with a wide base of support among interconnected grassroots networks. Thinking this is all the fruit of some elite Secret Team in the government is just as ludicrous as the “official” line (now starting to wear thin even in official circles) that it is all a conspiracy by a small cabal around Osama bin Laden. The conspiracists’ “logic” reflects that of Bush.

Yet, bizarrely, the conspiracy milieu overlaps with that of ultra-leftists who cheer on terrorism as the weapon of the oppressed—like Ward Churchill, who hailed the “gallant sacrifices of the combat teams [at] the WTC and Pentagon” and dismissed the victims as “little Eichmanns” in his controversial essay “Some People Push Back: On the Justice of Roosting Chickens.” Some conspiracy theorists are savvy enough to dismiss Churchill as part of the conspiracy, a “false flag” operative (again, oblivious to the possibility that he is a mere yahoo). Others seem quite comfortable with doublethink: acknowledging the anti-imperialist rage behind Islamist terrorism, they still act as if the only alternative to the Bush-did-it thesis is the Bush line that the terrorists “hate our freedom.”

The basically contradictory terrorism-denial and terrorism-apologist tendencies especially merge in what has become nearly the standard hard-left analysis of Iraq: in desperation to view the Islamist insurgents as today’s answer to the Viet Cong, the serial acts of sectarian mass murder are dismissed as Pentagon “black propaganda” ops. Is it possible that Pentagon black-bag jobs are instrumental in some of these attacks? Of course. But to decide that this is predominantly or even uniformly the case in the absence of evidence is simply dishonest propaganda—again, the mirror image of what it ostensibly opposes.

The conspiracists also share the Bush mentality in their ethic of either-you’re-with-us-or-with-the-enemy. All who question their theories are dismissed as “sheep” who buy the “official story” and are complicit with the cover-up. Certainly, such charges will be leveled against this writer.

One particularly ironic name the conspiracists have chosen for themselves is “9-11 skeptics.” Those who dogmatically assert theories of pre-planted explosives and remote-controlled aircraft are among the most gullible people in the world. They are no more truly skeptical than those who dogmatically cling to the “official story.” Single-standard skepticism, of course, is the only genuine kind. If all your skepticism is reserved for one party, you aren’t a skeptic at all—you’re a dupe.

Conspiracy Theory dogmatism is no more useful to finding the truth than Consensus Reality dogmatism. The problem with the poorly-named “9-11 skeptics” is precisely that they are insufficiently skeptical—about their own version of reality. And the worst of them are just as cynical as Bush, even if (thank goodness!) they have considerably less power to act on their cynicism. While Bush exploits 9-11 to start wars and repeal our freedoms, they exploit 9-11 to sell videos.

What Richard Hofstadter called “The Paranoid Style in American Politics” is a phenomenon which has hypertrophied since he wrote the famous essay in 1964. From Catholics to Communists to Jews, the targets of conspiracy paranoia have changed over the years, but the rhetoric has remained fundamentally the same. By way of illustration, Hofstadter opened the essay with a 1951 quote from Sen. Joseph McCarthy:

How can we account for our present situation unless we believe that men high in this government are concerting to deliver us to disaster? This must be the product of a great conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previous such venture in the history of man. A conspiracy of infamy so black that, which it is finally exposed, its principals shall be forever deserving of the maledictions of all honest men.
What can be made of this unbroken series of decisions and acts contributing to the strategy of defeat? They cannot be attributed to incompetence.
The laws of probability would dictate that part of
[the] decisions would serve the country’s interest.

Then he turned back fifty years to an 1895 Populist Party manifesto:

As early as 1865-66 a conspiracy was entered into between the gold gamblers of Europe and America.
For nearly thirty years these conspirators have kept the people quarreling over less important matters while they have pursued with unrelenting zeal their one central purpose.
 Every device of treachery, every resource of statecraft, and every artifice known to the secret cabals of the international gold ring are being used to deal a blow to the prosperity of the people and the financial and commercial independence of the country.

Next, a Texas newspaper article of 1855:


It is a notorious fact that the Monarchs of Europe and the Pope of Rome are at this very moment plotting our destruction and threatening the extinction of our political, civil, and religious institutions. We have the best reasons for believing that corruption has found its way into our Executive Chamber, and that our Executive head is tainted with the infectious venom of Catholicism.
The Pope has recently sent his ambassador of state to this country on a secret commission, the effect of which is an extraordinary boldness of the Catholic church throughout the United States.
These minions of the Pope are boldly insulting our Senators; reprimanding our Statesmen; propagating the adulterous union of Church and State; abusing with foul calumny all governments but Catholic, and spewing out the bitterest execrations on all Protestantism. The Catholics in the United States receive from abroad more than $200,000 annually for the propagation of their creed. Add to this the vast revenues collected here.


Now here’s a 2002 sample from one Sean McBride, posted on Rense.com:

Osama bin Laden is a high level agent operated by the Israeli Mossad in cooperation with the CIA. OBL and his inner circle recruited the hijackers for 911, with the naive recruitees having little idea of what they were really getting into or about whom was pulling their strings… The hijacked planes were taken over on 9/11 by remote control… Well-established procedures for handling situations of this kind were deliberately overridden by orders from on high within the Bush administration. The planes were allowed to hit their targets… If this scenario comes close to describing what happened on 911, George W. Bush and many other high-level government officials are probably as much out of the loop as the average American… The media is run by about 50 American and Non-American Jews. Sharon said that America is run by Israel. I believe it… We are going to war against Iraq and others to satisfy them, not for our own nation’s security. It could lead to Nuclear war. That may be the idea. Over 2/3’s of our population could be destroyed.

The more things change, it seems, the more they stay the same.

WATCH OUT… YOU MIGHT GET WHAT YOU’RE AFTER

The most sinister thing about the conspiracists is how they abet the consolidation of the very police state they claim to oppose. Arguing that Bush and his spies should have been omniscient enough to stop the attacks, they decry how the attacks are being used to expand the government’s powers—blissfully unaware of how they give their own adversaries propaganda on a silver platter. With their implicit demands for an omniscient government, they (presumably unwittingly) play into the hands of those who seek a perfectly “secure” world in which privacy and personal liberty have been perfectly eliminated.

Another anomaly seized upon as vindication by the conspiracists was the August 2005 revelation that a secret Pentagon intelligence unit known as Able Danger had identified Mohammed Atta and three other future hijackers as likely members of an al-Qaeda cell more than a year before 9-11. According to media reports, the Able Danger team had prepared a chart that included visa photographs of the four men and recommended to the Pentagon’s Special Operations Command that the data be shared with the FBI. This recommendation was rejected—apparently because Atta and the others were in the US on valid entry visas, and were therefore protected from surveillance as a matter of policy.

Now, true freedom-lovers should be comforted by the fact that the Pentagon did not turn the information over to the FBI. The conspiracists claim the failure to do so as evidence of the government’s “LIHOP” (let it happen on purpose) strategy. But the concrete result of this relentless recrimination and retrospectivity will only be more visa-holders coming under Big Brother’s scrutiny.

The conspiracy milieu suffers from an ambivalent Oedipus complex, torn between rage against the Big Daddy Government which is the source of all evil and a quasi-fascistic longing for a benevolent father figure that will protect us. For instance, if the Air Force really had intercepted and shot down the hijacked planes on September 11, this would have been—appropriately—protested as government murder of its own citizens in the name of preventative action, like the 1993 Waco affair. But this is exactly what the conspiracy theorists are now insisting should have happened. They do not seem aware of, much less disturbed by, this basic contradiction in their moral universe.

The spring of 2002 saw a brief media frenzy over official foreknowledge of 9-11. A senior FBI agent in Minneapolis claimed that headquarters repeatedly roadblocked Twin Cities-based agents who sought to investigate “20th hijacker” Zacarias Moussaoui aggressively in the days before 9-11. The agent, Coleen Rowley, said bureaucrats at headquarters had also bungled a warning from an agent in Phoenix who had written that al-Qaeda militants could be using domestic aviation schools to train for terror attacks. It was revealed that in June 2001 then-CIA Director George Tenet had written an intelligence summary for National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice warning: “It is highly likely that a significant al-Qaeda attack is in the near future, within several weeks.” In a public address following the revelations, then-Assistant Attorney General Michael Chertoff cited nearly a decade’s worth of hints that foreign terrorists were targeting the US. “As of Sept. 10, each of us knew everything we needed to know to tell us there was a possibility of what happened on Sept. 11,” Chertoff said.

The conspiracists were beside themselves with ecstasy, of course, taking the revelations as further evidence of the LIHOP thesis, or its more ambitious alternative, “MIHOP” (make it happen on purpose).

But here’s a real alternative conspiracy theory: Were the Justice Department, FBI and CIA leaking or even inventing their own blunders in an effort to intentionally make themselves look incompetent and timid so that their budgets and powers would be increased, their apparatus expanded, and restraints on domestic snooping lifted? Were the conspiracy theorists themselves, who relentlessly touted the revelations, serving as pawns of the government conspiracy?

Maybe, or maybe not. But in any case, that fall the Homeland Security Act passed. The current head of the Homeland Security Department is Michael Chertoff.

RESOURCES:

NY 9-11 Truth
http://ny911truth.org/

“Debunking the 9-11 Myths,” Popular Mechanics, March 2005
Continue Reading9-11 AND THE NEW PEARL HARBOR 

SOMALIA: WASHINGTON’S WARLORDS LOSE OUT

by Rohan Pearce, Green Left Weekly

On June 5, militia aligned with the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) declared victory in their struggle to control Mogadishu, capital of the east African country of Somalia. The militia had routed the grossly misnamed Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-terrorism (ARPCT)—a coalition of US-backed warlords who had put a halt to their near-ceaseless internecine fighting in a failed effort to stop the ICU’s growing control of the capital.

Fierce fighting broke out between the ARPCT and the ICU in March, leaving hundreds of people dead. In the week following the ARPCT’s defeat in Mogadishu, the last ARPCT stronghold in the country’s south, the town of Jowhar, fell with little resistance to the ICU.

The ARPCT’s defeat represents a major setback for Washington in the proxy war it has been waging to assert control over Somalia’s 8 million inhabitants, 60% of whom are nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists.

The June 7 New York Times reported that US government officials have privately acknowledged that the CIA, via its station in Nairobi, Kenya, had channeled hundreds of thousands of dollars over the past year to the ARPCT warlords so they could purchase arms on the international black market. The covert payments were in breach of the UN Security Council arms embargo that has been imposed on the country since 1991.

John Predergast, a member of the International Crisis Group (ICG), a Brussels-based liberal-capitalist think tank, told MSNBC on June 5 that the CIA “payments have been between [US]$100,000 and $150,000 per month.”

Somali reactions to the ICU’s victory have been mixed. On one hand there is relief at the prospect of a respite from constant battles in the capital, but for some this is tempered by fears of the imposition of draconian interpretations of sharia (Islamic) law.

Among many, though, there is hope that the ICU will at least provide a degree of stability in a country that has been gripped by violent conflict between rival warlords since the 1991 ouster of military dictator Mohammed Siad Barre. He took power in 1969 and had originally aligned Somalia with the Soviet Union, but the alliance was broken when Barre came into conflict with Ethiopia in 1977.

Washington stepped in to fill the gap and supported Barre until he was toppled in 1991 by rebel forces led by General Mohammed Farah Aidid, Barre’s former intelligence chief. In the wake of Barre’s overthrow, the country was carved up by rival warlords. Under the guise of a UN-backed “humanitarian mission,” Washington dispatched 20,000 US troops to Somalia in 1992.

Oil reserves

The Jan. 18, 1993 Los Angeles Times reported that it had obtained documents revealing that Barre had given four major US oil companies—Chevron, Amoco, Conoco and Phillips—exploration rights over two-thirds of the country. The LA Times reported: “Far beneath the surface of the tragic drama of Somalia, four major US oil companies are quietly sitting on a prospective fortune in exclusive concessions to explore and exploit tens of millions of acres of the Somali countryside. That land, in the opinion of geologists and industry sources, could yield significant amounts of oil and natural gas if the US-led military mission can restore peace to the impoverished east African nation.”

While US government officials at the time ridiculed the idea that there was oil in Somalia, Thomas O’Connor, the principal petroleum engineer for the World Bank, who headed an in-depth three-year study of oil prospects off Somalia’s northern coast, told the LA Times: “There’s no doubt there’s oil there… It’s got high [commercial] potential, once the Somalis get their act together.”

The CIA’s website lists Somalia’s natural resources as “uranium and largely unexploited reserves of iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt, natural gas, [and] likely oil reserves”.

The most likely location of oil reserves is Puntland, a self-declared autonomous region in north-eastern Somalia. On May 21, General Mohammed “Adde” Muse, the president of Puntland, announced that his regime had decided to sever collaboration with Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which had been set up following a UN-sponsored conference in Kenya in 2004. The TFG, led by President Abdullahi Yusuf, is based in Baidoa, 240 kilometres northwest of Mogadishu.

According to the SomaliNet website, Muse told local journalists the TFG had attempted to stop Puntland’s plan to produce oil under an agreement signed last year with the Western Australia-based Range Resources company.

On June 17, Somalia’s Garowe Online News reported that Muse—”accompanied by Puntland’s finance and agriculture ministers, the vice minister for fisheries and the newly created director of Puntland Oil and Minerals Agency that falls directly under the presidency”—met in Dubai with executives from Range.

Muse “proposed to Range officials a change in the ‘contract of work’ they signed in mid-2005. In accordance with a Somali federal government-Puntland administration agreement reached in Bossaso in May, the Puntland leader proposed that Range allow Puntland to be divided into [exploration] ‘blocks.’ Range officials–supported by Range board of directors member Liban Muse Bogor and Puntland finance minister Mohamed Ali–declined President Adde’s proposal because it is in direct contradiction to the ‘Puntland Agreement’ which gave Range exclusive exploration rights in all of northeastern Somalia (more than 212,000 sq. km. of land).”

Islamic courts

Omar Jamal, a US-based Somali political activist, told Associated Press on June 5 that the ICU victory was “exactly the same thing that happened with the rise to power of the Taliban” in Afghanistan and that Islamists were taking advantage of “the people’s weariness of violence, rape and civil war”.

However, on June 5 AP reported that the reactions of residents in Mogadishu were more variegated. Some shared Jamal’s fears. “The Islamic clerics want to be like [the] Taliban regime in Afghanistan”, one told AP. But another said that the ICU’s victory was “a major step toward a lasting peaceful settlement in Mogadishu”, adding: “We are tired of the deception and rhetoric of the warlords.”

On May 25, in an article for the Chicago-based Power and Interest News Report, Dr Michael Weinstein, an analyst with the PINR, wrote: “The [Islamic] courts have become increasingly popular with Mogadishu’s residents, not only because of their [legal and social] services, but also because they are perceived to be relatively honest and dedicated to the country, rather than to their own narrow advantage, and are not beholden to external powers.

“The eruption of militant political Islamism outside and opposed to the TFG, and the Mogadishu warlords and rising over the clan structure provoked a fierce reaction among the warlords, whose vital interests were threatened.”

The first Islamic court was set up in 1994, in the wake of the withdrawal of US troops from Somalia, after 18 US troops died in the infamous “Battle of Mogadishu” resulting from Washington’s failed attempt to capture/assassinate Aidid, who died in 1996.

Originally set up by clan elders to fill the vacuum of governmental and legal authority in the wake of the Barre dictatorship’s collapse, the Islamic courts at first functioned only at a clan level. Since then, the courts have achieved a degree of independence from the clan system and broadened from their initial function of making rulings for litigants to offering social services and providing policing.

“Al-Qaeda safe haven”

The reaction from Washington to the ICU’s victory was less ambiguous than that of Mogadishu residents. On June 6, US President George Bush told reporters that “obviously, when there’s instability anywhere in the world, we’re concerned. There is instability in Somalia. The first concern, of course, would be to make sure that Somalia does not become an al-Qaeda safe haven, that it doesn’t become a place from which terrorists can plot and plan.”

Bush’s sentiments were echoed by US State Department spokesperson Sean McCormack at a June 7 press briefing. He claimed that the “international community” doesn’t want “to see Somalia turn into a safe haven for terrorists”, adding: “We do have very real concerns about the presence of foreign terrorists on Somali soil.”

US officials claim that three members of Saudi Arabian millionaire Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda network responsible for bombing the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998 are hiding out in Somalia. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the chairperson of the Supreme Council of Islamic Courts of Somalia, has denied that the ICU is protecting al-Qaeda members or that the ICU wishes to move Somalia towards a Taliban-style religious regime.

Two of the courts are seen as “militant”, according to a June 6 BBC report, one of which is led by Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, a former army colonel, who joined al-Ithihaad al-Islaami (AIAI), an armed Islamist group that gained in strength after Barre’s regime collapsed, but became defunct by the late ’90s.

Some individuals from the AIAI, such as Aweys, are believed to be connected with a new “jihadi” network that emerged around 2003. However, a July 2005 report by the ICG argued that this new network’s “core membership probably numbers in the tens rather than the hundreds”. Despite stating the killings that have been associated with al-Qaeda-linked “jihadis,” the report noted that al-Qaeda’s Somalia “presence is perhaps less remarkable than its minute scale”.

In the wake of the ICU’s victory, the TFG reiterated its long-standing call for foreign “peacekeepers” to intervene. The TFG has limited support within Somalia—until June 5, four of Mogadishu’s warlords were TFG cabinet members—and is completely ineffective. On June 15, Mogadishu residents protested against the TFG’s call for foreign military intervention.

The June 22 Sudan Tribune reported: “Stung by setbacks to its latest strategy in Somalia, the United States for the first time reached out to hardline Islamists, its erstwhile enemies, to help catch ‘terrorists’ allegedly hiding in the shattered African nation. In an about-turn, [US] assistant secretary of state for African affairs Jendayi Frazer sought the help of the Joint Islamic Courts to arrest terrorists believed hiding in Somalia. Washington previously blamed these courts for having links with al-Qaida and harbouring foreign fighters.”

——

This story first appeared June 28 in Australia’s Green Left Weekly
http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2006/673/673p19.htm

See also:

“Somalia: Ethiopia-Eritrea proxy war?” WW4 REPORT, July 29
/node/2247

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Aug. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingSOMALIA: WASHINGTON’S WARLORDS LOSE OUT 

THE QUEENS BLACKOUTS: KENNETH LAY’S REVENGE?

by Bill Weinberg, WW4 REPORT

It’s a neat little ironic juxtaposition of headlines that the July 5 passing of former Enron CEO Kenneth Lay—while awaiting sentencing on securities fraud and a host of related charges—came just days before several neighborhoods in the New York City borough of Queens were plunged into darkness and sweltering heat. Certainly the Queens blackouts are nothing so dramatic as those which plagued California in 2000-1, when Enron and its ilk were riding high. Nor are they likely as intentional—although the degree to which Enron contrived the California crisis was never revealed until months after the fact. But the chaos and misery in Queens is likewise the bitter fruit of energy deregulation.

On July 21, when many Queens residents had been without power for five days, local politicians began calling for dramatic action. Assemblyman Michael Gianaris of Astoria demanded a “criminal investigation of Con Edison on the grounds of reckless endangerment.” City Councilman Peter Vallone, also of Queens, chimed in: “Heads need to roll. Con Ed has sent us back to the dark ages. People of this community want to storm Con Ed with…pitchforks.”

Con Ed estimated that 25,000 customers were without power in the neighborhoods of Astoria, Sunnyside, Woodside, Long Island City and Hunters Point. Streetlights were dead and usually bustling commercial districts were deserted. Even Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who had been giving the utility the benefit of the doubt, said he was “annoyed” that its original estimate of those without power was just 25,000. Bloomberg said that 25,000 paying customers translated into 100,000 people without electricity.

On July 19, when the blackouts were at their worst, even local subway lines were slowed. Brutally, this also corresponded with the peak of a local heat wave. Con Ed, which claimed not to know the cause of the failure, reported that day that 10 of the 22 feeder cables that supply the area with power were down simultaneously

On July 21, New York’s WABC News reported that a check of New York State Public Service Commission (PSC) data showed continued under-spending on maintenance. In a three-year period in which Con Ed budgeted $32 million dollars for maintenance in Queens and Brooklyn, the utility actually only spent $27 million, the report found. Gerald Norlander of the Public Utility Law Project told ABC: “Maintenance data suggests that Con Ed is spending less on regular preventative maintenance in the system and that needs to be investigated.”

WABC also quoted Ariel Antonmarchi, a former Con Ed worker who said he was fired for blowing the whistle on poor maintenance: “It’s not only the feeders. That’s what Con Ed is leading the public to believe. It’s the whole infrastructure. In Queens, and in certain areas, it is not being kept up.” Con Ed, of course, disputed the claims, insisting it has spent billions upgrading the system.

But as early as January, 2003, Con Ed and other New York utilities were petitioning the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) for new rules that would reduce their legal liability for damages arising from blackouts or system failures.

The New York PSC already exempts Con Ed from liability for “ordinary” negligence. Lawyers for the City of New York were able to prove “gross” negligence on Con Edison’s part following the devastating July 1977 New York blackout, even though it was initially precipitated by a lightning strike. However, the liability of utilities for damages due to the August 2003 Northeast blackout—the first significant outage of the post-deregulation era—remains uncertain.

The very structure of deregulation makes the grid more vulnerable, many experts warn. FERC’s Order 888 mandated the “wheeling” of electric power across utility lines as one of the first steps towards deregulation in 1996. Order 888 was held up in litigation until March 2000, when it was approved by the US Supreme Court and took effect. But critics—including some in the federal government—warned that the new policy would have a destabilizing effect. “The system was never designed to handle long-distance wheeling,” Loren Toole, a transmission-system analyst at Los Alamos National Laboratory told The Industrial Physicist journal in an article following the 2003 blackout.

The bitter irony is that, having effectively gotten out of the generation business under New York state’s deregulation plan, nearly all Con Ed has to do these days is to maintain the cables. The 2003 blackout—although apparently originating from a power surge at Ohio’s Toledo Edison—was the first indication that New York’s grid was seriously vulnerable.

Under the deregulation regime, which took effect in New York in the summer of 1999, out-of-state companies are encouraged to purchase or build local power plants and sell the electricity to the local utility, which is to serve as a broker rather than a producer. So California’s Pacific Gas & Electric was compelled to purchase from Texas-based Enron, and finally forced into bankruptcy by the power disruptions. This same PG&E was simultameously building a natural gas plant at Athens, on New York’s Hudson River—to sell power to Northeast utilities, which are likewise getting out of the local generation biz. (After PG&E’s bankruptcy, the Athens plant was taken over by a consortium led by Morgan Stanley.)

Queens residents are especially miffed that their communities host a disproportionate share of the city’s power plants, which have been the focus of local citizen campaigns around their health impacts. The three plants currently operating in the western Queens area have all been sold off by Con Ed. The largest is the 1,753-megawatt Ravenswood Generating Station, owned by KeySpan Energy; the 1,090-megawatt Astoria Generating Station is owned by Orion Power Holdings, and the 1637-megawatt Poletti Power Plant is owned by the New York State Power Authority (which actually purchased it from Con Ed when it was first built in the ’70s).

KeySpan, owner of the massive Ravenswood, is the successor company to the Long Island Lighting Company (LILCO), which was forced to relinquish control of the grid in Long Island’s suburban Nassau and Suffolk counties by state regulators in 1998 as the price of a bailout of its debt-crippled Shoreham nuclear power plant. Just days after the deal was closed, it was revealed that LILCO had awarded its top executives a severance package of more than $67 million, including $42 million to CEO William J. Catacosinos. The payments came despite the fact that Catacosinos and his fellow officers had secured similar positions in KeySpan. New York state Attorney General Elliot Spitzer charged that “a pattern of deception by the company’s CEO and senior officers, as well as a dereliction of duty by the company’s board, led to an outrageous giveaway.” (The bad publicity shamed Catacosinos, at least into stepping down—but not relinquishing his golden parachute.) Relieved of its Shoreham debt, LILCO’s new incarnation moved from suburban Long Island to inner-city Queens. KeySpan is now seeking approval from federal and state authorities for its pending $11.8-billion takeover by the British energy giant National Grid. Rather than progress towards accountability to the consumer, it looks more like an elaborate game of musical chairs.

In June 2000, after a brief blackout on Manhattan’s Upper East Side, then-City Council Speaker Peter Vallone (the incumbent councilman’s father) publicly suggested that Con Ed, in connivance with its new deregulation partners, was using power disruptions to pressure the state PSC to approve new power plants. And the new plants were proposed, not surprisingly, for poor areas of city, including post-industrial and gentrifying but still-bleak Long Island City. Other targeted neighborhoods are Brooklyn’s immigrant enclaves of Williamsburg and Sunset Park, and the Harlem River Yards and Port Morris in the South Bronx. Con Ed is also proposing increased capacity at the 14th Street plant on the Lower East Side (not yet divested), adjacent to low-income public housing projects, to make up for the closure of its plant up the East River near the United Nations–where developer Donald Trump wants to build a luxury residential high-rise.

And notwithstanding the brief incident on the upscale Upper East Side, it was generally the low-income areas that were hit with the blackouts. Manhattan’s Dominican neighborhood of Washington Heights was without power for 18 hours in the midst of a heatwave in July 1999, just weeks before the state deregulation hit in—again due to feeder cables burning out.

In its investigation of the Washington Heights blackout, the state PSC found that “managers had been told to reduce the operation and maintenance budget in each of the four years leading up to the black out.” And Gerald Norlander of Public Utility Law Project, in words almost identical to those he would utter after the 2006 Queens blackout, stated: “The company, despite growing demand for service, [was] spending less and less each year on maintenance.”

There were certainly reasons for discontent with the status quo ante. Con Ed charged among the highest rates in the country. In August 1994, New York Newsday, citing leaked documents, revealed the Con Ed was paying bonuses of up to $20,000 per executive to the very mangers who had slashed spending on pollution control citing budgetary constraints. The costs for these bonuses were passed on to the rate-payer. Deregulation was pushed as a formula to bring down rates.

But in August 2000, in the first summer after deregulation, New York’s consumers were shocked to find that rates were actually 40% higher over the previous summer—resulting in city officials blasting the provision allowing Con Ed to base its rates on wholesale market costs (a supposed hedge against California-style chaos). The Public Service Commission blamed high oil princes, and the temporary closure of Con Ed’s Indian Point 2 nuclear reactor some 30 miles up the Hudson River—a frequent occurrence. Indian Point was soon to be divested under the deregulation plan, but its shut-downs would remain frequent—and Con Ed’s rates would remain among the nation’s highest.

In the wake of the Queens blackouts, concerns were raised of Enron-type market manipulations under the deregulation regime. Assemblyman Paul Tonko, chair of the state Assembly’s Energy Committee, told Newsday July 27 that KeySpan and the other generating companies had clearly “gamed” the market “at the expense of the consumers.” He pledged his committee would “fully investigate these market manipulations that are artificially raising electric prices, and make those who are responsible for this disgrace accountable.”

Health and safety concerns were also dire under the old regime. In 1995, Con Ed was slapped with a $2 million fine for lying about the release of asbestos at an August 1989 steam pipe explosion at Manhattan’s Gramercy Park, in which two workers died. In a November 1999 settlement, Con Ed again paid $2 million to 270 New York firefighters and rescue workers exposed to toxic chemicals when they responded to a fire at the utility’s Arthur Kill plant on Staten Island the previous September. In October 1999, Ravenswood (by then owned by KeySpan) was evacuated following a spill of a cleaning compound outside the plant, sending acrid fumes into the building.

The daily functioning of these plants is ultimately a greater concern. In April 2000, Rep. Carolyn Maloney complained to the Queens Tribune: “More than 35,000 Queens schoolchildren already suffer from asthma and a 1998 federal study found that the presence of three dirty power plants, two major airports and six major highways has made air quality in Queens particularly toxic.”

The three Queens plants, already under construction, were “grandfathered” in when the Clean Air Act took effect in 1970, exempting them from the new standards. Therefore, they can continue to emit quantities of carbon dioxide (CO2), nitrogen oxide (NOx), and sulfur dioxide (SO2) that would be illegal in newer plants. Although Ravenswood was built to burn coal, it has now switched to natural gas and may at this point be in compliance with the Clean Air Act—even though it is still not required to be. This progress has been the fruit of a long activist campaign by Queens residents—not deregulation.

After the Queens blackouts, a July 26 New York Times story found that the affected areas, especially Long Island City, had a disproportionate rate of cable failures, and some local cables had parts that were up to 67 years old. For all the emphasis on shiny new generators, the aging transmission system was being allowed to deteriorate—and, not surprisingly, being allowed to deteriorate the fastest in the very neighborhoods slated for the power plants.

One of the real tragedies of the push to build new generators in the city’s low-income neighborhoods is that it has pitted urban clean-air activists against upstate opponents of nuclear power. The closure of Indian Point would make the new power plants in the city inevitable, the argument goes, and the health impacts shouldn’t be shifted to low-income urban residents. However, given that Indian Point is far closer to New York City than Chernobyl was to Kiev, the safety issues at the reactors should be a concern to down-staters too.

In 2000, the Louisiana-based Entergy Corp. bought the Indian Point 3 reactor from the public New York Power Authority (which had relieved Con Ed of it following massive cost-overruns in 1975), and the following year purchased Indian Point 2 from Con Edison. (Indian Point 1 had been permanently closed when the Power Authority took over reactor 3.) Since 9-11, local residents in Peekskill, NY, and surrounding communities have been increasingly demanding the plant be closed down—or at least the airspace above it be closed to commercial flights. Entergy has responded by officially changing the facility’s name from the “Indian Point Nuclear Power Plant” to the “Indian Point Energy Center.” All area signs indicating the plant have been changed, removing the word “nuclear,” and the utility has also launched a local PR blitz plugging the plant’s supposed “safety.” One recent newspaper ad urged readers to “Take confidence in the security of Indian Point Energy Center.”

The Indian Point reactors are among the oldest and most decrepit in the country, and Entergy’s record in keeping them up and running has been little better than Con Ed’s or the Power Authority’s. The most recent shut-down of Indian Point 3, prompted by an electrical mishap, came on July 21—in the very midst of the Queens blackout. The reactor was brought back on line the next day, and Entergy claimed it had no impact on consumers.

Westchester County’s Rep. Sue Kelly has introduced a measure in Congress to require the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to authorize an Independent Safety Assessment at Indian Point—a measure advocated by the local Indian Point Safe Energy Coalition, which has collected 5,000 signatures in support of the bill.

The Queens blackout will doubtless be used as propaganda against both advocates of closing Indian Point and opponents of the new urban generators. With nerves still frayed, it may be a while before the argument can be made openly. However, while local Queens politicians play to their pissed-off constituency, New York’s Sen. Charles Schumer is not only a proponent of the new plants, but is calling for deregulation to be mandated at the national level by federal legislation. (Nearly half the states have already imposed some kind of deregulation plan, although the pace has slowed since the Enron scandal.)

Mayor Bloomberg has already played a blackout card in a bid to wear down public resistance to new plants and pylons. “Nobody wants to have a power line going through their backyard, but we have to face the issue that if you want to have electricity—and we really have no choice, we have to have electricity, our society depends on large amounts of electricity and it has to be reliable—that means building power plants, upgrading power plants and building transmission lines,” Bloomberg said in the aftermath of the 2003 blackout.

But the 2003 blackout was caused by a breakdown in the transmission system, and the 2006 blackout by a failure in the distribution network—neither by insufficient generation. And today we all understand (hopefully) that the 2000-1 California blackouts were not caused by a deficit of power any more than Stalin’s bureaucratically-induced Ukraine famine was caused by a deficit of grain.

New York’s deregulation program was supposedly designed more cautiously than California’s. But the same measures which allow the utilities to pass increased costs on to rate-payers as a hedge against bankruptcy and chaos also hurt the consumer—canceling out the still-ephemeral savings of the “spot market” overseen by the New York Independent System Operator. This is the entity created by the PSC for the deregulation regime, which supposedly directs the cheapest power where it is needed at a given moment.

The California Independent System Operator’s own records indicate that blackouts were happening when demand was considerably below peak—indicating that supplies of electricity were being held back. Meanwhile, at the very height of the California crisis in early 2001, Kenneth Lay was meeting with Dick Cheney—who then headed the White House energy task force. The task force report, explicitly invoking “electricity shortages and disruptions in California,” called for opening the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling, harnessing the oil resources of post-Soviet Central Asia, and a “renewal” of the nuclear industry. And although Cheney’s task force was not so indiscrete as to mention it, the California crisis helped set the tone for a war for oil in the Persian Gulf.

Despite growing public skepticism of the energy giants and deregulation, this dynamic still seems to be at work. Conveniently, on July 26, just as power was being restored to the last suffering residents of western Queens, blackouts hit several communities in Staten Island, leaving an estimated 16,000 consumers without power for several hours. Meanwhile, 80,000 households in Missouri and Illinois were without power after storms brought down power pylons. Right on cue, the US Senate began debate on an energy bill that would expand oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico, and seems assured of passage. The House version goes even further in removing federal controls on offshore drilling.

The Queens blackouts may not have been as contrived a crisis as that which shook California five years ago. If Con Ed was a monolithic bureaucracy under the old regime, today it is the public face of a Kafkaesque labyrinth of often out-of-state companies with no roots in the communities they now serve. While the California blackouts were the design of the out-of-state firms like Enron to make a mint and (it seems) create a political climate conducive to war and corporate resource-grabs, the Queens blackout really seems the work of the old utility that still controls the lines. But it has similar roots in the erosion of public accountability under the deregulation dogma. More ominously, it may end up helping to serve similar aims.

RESOURCES:

“Why is Con Ed having all these problems?” WABC Eyewitness News, July 21, 2006
http://abclocal.go.com/wabc/story?section=investigators&id=4388181

“States pull the plug on electricity dereg,” by Eric Kelderman, Stateline.org, July 21, 2005
http://www.stateline.org/live/ViewPage.action?siteNodeId=136&languageId=1&conten tId=44242

“What’s wrong with the electric grid?” by Eric J. Lerner, The Industrial Physicist, October-Novemeber 2003
http://www.aip.org/tip/INPHFA/vol-9/iss-5/p8.html

“After the Blackout: Going Back to the Experts,” by Kate Stohr, The Gotham Gazette, Aug. 18, 2003 http://www.gothamgazette.com/article/feature-commentary/20030818/202/496

“Does the Power Kill? Balancing the Energy Environment,” by Josh Kaufman, the Queens Tribune, April 20, 2000 http://www.queenstribune.com/archives/featurearchive/feature2000/0420/

“Report Finds LILCO Payout Irretrievable,” New York State Attorney General’s Office, April 29, 1999
http://www.oag.state.ny.us/press/1999/apr/apr29a_99.html

Public Utility Law Project
http://www.pulpny.org/

See also:

“The Real Culprit in Northeast Blackout: Deregulation,” WW4 REPORT #92, September-October 2003
/static/92.html#shadows3

“Two Counties Pull Out of Indian Point Emergency Plan,” WW4 REPORT #84, May 5, 2003 /static/84.html#nuke2

Special Issue on Enron and Energy, WW4 REPORT #19, Feb. 2, 2002
/static/19.html

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Special to WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Aug. 1, 2006
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingTHE QUEENS BLACKOUTS: KENNETH LAY’S REVENGE? 

THE “SI SE PUEDE” INSURRECTION

A Class Analysis

by George Caffentzis, Metamute

And my coyote, Virgil, said to him when he refused to take me, a living man, over the Acheron to Hell, “Charon, do not be angry, but this undocumented passage has been decided upon in the place where what is wanted always happens. So don’t ask any more questions.”

—Dante, Inferno, Canto III, lines 94-96.

Introduction: Invisible to Visible

There were more demonstrations in more places with greater participation between March 24 and May Day 2006 than any other six-week period in US history. For a number of days marches of more than half a million people overwhelmed the centers of major cities like Los Angeles, Chicago, New York, and Dallas, halting business, while there were literally hundreds of smaller gatherings in cities like Charlotte, North Carolina; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Salem, Oregon; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Along with the public outpouring of bodies, there were dozens of student walk-outs in high schools around the country as well as a nation-wide immigrants’ “general strike” called for May Day that was heeded by hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions of workers, including truck drivers who shut down the Port of Los Angeles (one of the main supply links in the commodity trade with China, South Korea, and Japan). The demonstrators’ demands were amnesty for all undocumented immigrants and the defeat of pending draconian anti-immigrant legislation. In the process, they intermittently stopped or stalled the cycle of production, circulation and reproduction in the US for this six-week period. The slogan of these remarkable demos, whose size consistently surprised both their organizers and the authorities, became “Si Se Puede” [“Yes It Is Possible” in Spanish], implying their awareness of a new political power in the Americas.

Even though the demonstrations, walk-outs and strikes were remarkably orderly and non-violent, their harshest opponents, the anti-immigrant vigilante group called the Minuteman Project, described them as an “insurrection.” And indeed it was an insurrection, at least in a legal sense of being an “organized opposition or resistance to a government or established authorities”—because the demos were largely composed of undocumented workers, their families, friends and immediate supporters who, strictly speaking, were “illegal” and “criminals” but yet were demanding that they ought to be “decriminalized”! By their millions they spoke the words, “We are workers not criminals!,” implying that the government intent on further criminalizing them is the true criminal.

Indeed, in these demonstrations the very symbol of the US, the “stars and stripes” flag, and the one that the right-wing in the US has used insufferably—especially since 9-11—as a weapon of attack on immigrants, was overturned and subtracted from the state. If anything burned the Minutemen on May Day 2006, it must have been seeing tens of thousands of American flags in the hands of an ocean of people they called “criminal thugs” and “an invading army,” who now made it a symbol of their struggle.

Surely it is crucial for us to know what caused this political earthquake. However, every effort to find the cause of significant developments in working-class history must recognize that they are both over-determined (since they usually have multiple, often conflicting sources) and under-determined (since they always involve new powers emerging from collective actions). Bearing this caveat in mind, I will present two kinds of explanations of this emergence of the immigrant movement this year: one obvious, historical and legalistic, and the other rooted in a class analysis of the contemporary political composition of both the working class and capital in the US. Together these explanations can help us draw the landscape of political possibilities posed by the new immigrant movement more clearly.

The Obvious Cause: Immigration Legislation

It is not hard to find the obvious stimulus for the “Si Se Puede” demonstrations. You could read it announced on their banners again and again: “HR 4437,” the designation of a piece of legislation entitled “The Border Protection, Anti-Terrorism and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005.” It is also often referred to as the “Sensenbrenner Act” after its sponsor, a Republican Rep. James Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin. The House of Representatives passed this legislation by a vote of 239-182 on Dec. 16, 2005. The Senate passed its own immigration bill on May 25, designated S 2611—and the two bills must be “reconciled” to a common Act before it is sent on to the president for signing.

HR 4437 is what is called an “enforcement-only” bill because its conception of undocumented immigration is that of “crime control”—i.e., a crime is determined and penalties are devised to punish and “control” it. First, it defines a new legal criminal category, “unlawful or illegal presence”—which is any violation of any immigration law or regulation, even if it is a technical one. This crime would be considered “an aggravated felony,” allowing indefinite detention or expedited removal as well as the denial to undocumented immigrants of many forms of administrative or judicial review. “In essence, the bill makes every immigration violation, however minor, into a federal crime” (Justice for Immigrants 2006).

Second, “anyone or any organization who ‘assists’ an individual without documentation ‘to reside in or remain’ in the US knowingly or with ‘reckless disregard’ as to the individual’s legal status would be liable for criminal penalties and up to five years in prison.” Church personnel who provide shelter or other basic needs assistance to an undocumented individual could be prosecuted under this law and “property used in this act would be subject to seizure and forfeiture” (Justice for Immigrants 2006). Labor organizers unionizing production sites where undocumented immigrants predominate could also be prosecuted. Included in this act are also employer sanctions—i.e., it would be a crime for an undocumented person to hold a job in the US and his/her employer would be complicit in this crime.

Other aspects of this bill include:

*the Department of Homeland Security would be required to erect up to 700 miles of fencing along the Southwest border (and further militarize the 2,000-mile long border);

*“State and local law enforcement officers are authorized to enforce federal immigration laws. State and local governments which refuse to participate would be subject to the loss of federal funding”;

*“Document fraud would be considered an aggravated felony and would subject an asylum-seeker to deportation and bars to re-entry” (Justice for Immigrants 2006).

In other words, HR 4437 is the kind of law the anti-immigration movement has been calling for, one that categorizes undocumented workers as criminals to be tried, convicted, jailed and then deported—pure and simple. If enacted, the bill would transform almost every person in the US (not only police officers) into either its violators or its enforcers, or classify them as criminally complicit with its violators.

After Sensenbrenner’s bill passed the House of Representatives in late December, Congress went into recess and not much was done legislatively to deal with it, for the second step in the legislative procedure was to be taken by the Senate. However, alarm about the law spread throughout the Catholic church, the unions and immigrant rights organizations quickly over the Christmas holidays. I know from my comrades in the immigrant workers’ rights movement that, after a decade of legislative defeats, they saw HR 4437 as their endgame. If the Sensenbrenner bill became law, they intoned, they too would be headed for prison, if they continued to do their work!

Two and a half months later an amazing transformation in the immigrant communities of the US took place that could only be seen by those with religious sensibilities as miraculous. The dire message concerning the impact of HR 4437 clearly reached these communities: unless something drastic was done, the Senate would pass a similar bill and President Bush, after some griping, would sign it into law. Undocumented immigrants especially had to make an important decision: would they take the risk of making themselves socially visible to protest HR 4437 after surviving in the US on the basis of their invisibility? They decided by the millions to take the risk both individually and collectively, to publicly declare that they are workers and not criminals (and to implicitly charge that those who brand them as criminals are the criminals).

Surely this spring’s immigrant insurrection in the streets of the US stopped the political momentum behind HR 4437. The senators bitterly debated a number of immigration bills, but they decisively rejected the option of passing a copy of the Sensenbrenner bill. Many recognized that HR 4437 was so sweeping and draconian that it actually helped to unite the immigrants, especially the undocumented ones. They looked at the huge demonstrations and the May Day national strike with apprehension and determined that they must find a way to undermine the most powerful self-defined working class movement since the mid-1970s.

On May 25, the Senate passed its own bill, S2611, by a vote of 62-36. This bill, though it has a wide number of punitive measures similar to HR 4437, still offers possibilities for some of the undocumented to gain legal status.

The Senate deployed a classic strategy in this bill to defeat the immigrant workers’ new power and unity: divide and conquer. S 2611 literally divides up the present set of undocumented immigrants into three mutually exclusive subsets: (a) those who have been in the US for less than two years, (b) those who have been in the US between two and five years and (c) those who have been in the US for more than five years. Group (a) members must leave immediately on passage of the bill or face deportation. Group (b) members “must leave the country, and apply to re-enter through some currently unknown process.” Group (c) members would be allowed to stay and apply for citizenship, provided they pay back taxes, learn English and have no serious criminal records.” This division, the senators clearly thought, would tempt many undocumented immigrants to turn against each other, especially those who were in Group (c). I should also make it clear that though this bill does not identify all undocumented immigrant workers with either criminals or terrorists as HR 4437 does, its other less-publicized provisions make it almost as draconian. They include:

*6,000 National Guard troops would be assigned to border duty to assist Border Patrol agents, money would be provided for aerial surveillance and the building of a 370-mile fence or wall along the Mexican border. The bill “vastly increases detention and deportation practices and further militarizes the border,” according to the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund.

*“The Senate bill also establishes guest worker programs, allowing employers to recruit workers outside the country on temporary visas. These new contract workers would be vulnerable to employer pressure, since their visa status would be dependent on their employment,” according to labor journalist David Bacon.

*“The bill makes document fraud an aggravated felony and grounds for deportation, resulting in the criminalization of the millions of immigrants who have had to provide false Social Security cards to employers to get hired,” writes Bacon.

The next step in the legislative process involves the negotiation to “reconcile” HR 4437 and S 2611. Without the “Si Se Puede” demonstrations the political initiative would have been totally in the hands of the politicians. But after May Day 2006 there is a new subject haunting the corridors of Congress: the undocumented immigrant, and this unpredicted and unpredictable presence is putting a new sense of caution in the deliberations there. There is now even hope among the immigrant rights activists that this Congressional anxiety will lead to the failure of the reconciliation process. If that happens, there would be no new immigration legislation this year, which, perhaps, is the best possible outcome, and one that would not have been possible without the “Si Se Puede” demonstrations.

Thus the specific “who, what, why and when” of these demonstrations have been explained in the above account, though the end of the story is still undetermined. In another sense, however, there is much still unexplained. For example, why are there between 11 and 12 million of undocumented immigrant workers in the US in the first place? Why is Congress so divided about immigration? How did the undocumented immigrant workers get the sense that they could become politically visible in such a dramatic way?

To answer these questions concerning the frame of the story, another, at times subterranean, path must be taken through the analysis of the classes in struggle against each other and within themselves. This is not an easy path to take, but one that the slogan of the movement—”We are workers not criminals—points us to. For the immigrants quite properly see themselves as playing an essential role in the history of the US working class.

Capital’s Dilemma: Labor Flexibility vs. Workers’ Autonomy

A class analysis of the “Si Se Puede” demos is a bit hellish because the issue of immigration, especially of undocumented workers, divides both workers and capitalists in the US. Consequently, there are many “strange bedfellows” revealed in this analysis, and even stranger victories and defeats. There is no clear inter-class cut concerning this issue, so it is important to be careful about our terms. Consider two conundrums:

(1) although the recent anti-immigrant politics is firmly identified with the Republican Party, many capitalists who normally prefer Republican positions are firmly against legislation like HR 4437,

(2) although the AFL-CIO supports amnesty for undocumented workers, many white, some black, and even a few Hispanic workers are against it because they believe that the undocumented are threats to their wages and working conditions. So one cannot simply conclude that the capitalist class is against the demands of the “Si Se Puede” demonstrators and the working class is for them. There is a complex set of conditions and dilemmas that both classes are now struggling with.

Let us deal first with the capitalists. US capital has largely been supportive of official, documented immigration since 1965 when the very restrictive immigrant laws of the 1920s were repealed and the annual quota for immigrants, especially from South America and Asia, was gradually expanded. It is, of course, no accident that 1965 was also the year of the Voting Rights Act and the legislative beginning of the end of the US apartheid regime. At the very moment that black workers were beginning to have expanded rights to contract for their labor power, capital began to increase the number of immigrants from around the world.

But capitalists do not want just any immigrant worker, at any time and any place. They want him/her to have specific skills, training, physiognomy, docility and cost. One of their most important questions is whether the immigrants can be hired and fired at the boss’s discretion and whether they can be forced to leave the country “when they are not wanted.” This is what is called “labor flexibility” and is most treasured by capitalists, since it puts in their hands the power of choosing whether to use or expel a worker. The problem with officially sanctioned immigrant workers who have various forms of work authorization is that within a relatively short time they can become resident aliens and then citizens, with all the rights of other US workers (however meager they might be). This transition reduces their “flexibility” both individually and collectively.

This situation has led to the development of an alternative source of immigrant labor—the unauthorized or undocumented worker who arrives in the US without official sanction and hence is without the contractual protections that other workers normally have. These almost right-less workers have the maximum of “flexibility” to the point that capitalists can decide fire them, not even pay them for their work and not face sanctions. Undocumented immigrant laborers have therefore been in much demand, especially by capitalists in industries where mechanization is too expensive and the available US-born workers are relatively few. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, the undocumented now constitute almost 5 percent of US waged workers.

But this “labor flexibility” for the low-tech capitalist can turn into exactly its opposite, “worker autonomy,” for undocumented workers who use their very status as unofficial workers to come and go as they will, independent of the micro- or macro-conditions of employment. They can use their very undocumented situation to shape the conditions of their lives and create communities on both sides of the borders they are crossing to aid their self-activated movements. The undocumented can turn their right-less status into a power of movement. When a whole world of cross-border movement is created independent of the needs of capital, labor flexibility turns into worker autonomy.

There is evidence that this transformation is taking place in the US, and the occurrence of the “Si Se Puede” insurrection is definitive evidence of it. In that sense, capitalists are now in a situation similar to one they faced with the rise of the “hobo worker” in the late 19th and early 20th century (after “Coxey’s Army’s” march on Washington in 1894). At first, the capitalists of the West were pleased about the fact that workers were leaving (or losing) their homes and turning hoboes by using the railroads to follow the harvests (and to disperse when the fields were picked), to swarm to new mines (and to leave when the seam was exhausted), to enter the forests and fell huge trees (and disappear once the building boom was over). This was the labor flexibility they desperately needed. However, when the hoboes began to use the railroads for free to satisfy their own needs and to develop fighting organizations like the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) to defend themselves, this flexibility began to turn into something ugly for capitalists, i.e., into a measure of workers’ autonomy. For example, hoboes by the hundreds would descend on an isolated mining town that had arrested IWW organizers in a “free speech” fight by hopping freights from destinations more than a thousand miles away and overwhelming the local police force.

The struggle over a strategy to preserve the hoboes’ flexibility but destroy their autonomy was fought out among the capitalists in the first part of the 20th century. Eventually, from the 1919 Palmer raids, through the railroad police attacks on hobo “jungles,” to the New Deal housing programs, a complex strategy of violence and incentives was worked out that gradually eliminated the hobo workers’ autonomy.

The capitalists in the US are having a similar dilemma now. The conflict between capitalists represented in this spring’s debates in Congress is not about the profitability of immigration, both documented and undocumented; on this they are united. Their problem is to destroy the immigrants’ labor autonomy while preserving and even more precisely controlling their flexibility. This will require a refined and, on the surface, contradictory set of policies. Once one understands this dilemma, the conflict between the congressional supporters of HR 4437 and S 2611 can be more clearly seen not as an all-or-nothing battle, but as a disagreement over how strong a dose of repression is enough to destroy labor autonomy and how enticing must the incentives remain to preserve labor flexibility. The mixture is not easy to determine and must be continually reassessed, since its subject is clearly in the process of responding to the very policies being devised, and to larger forces in the world political economy.

Surely there is much to discuss, since the empirical consequences of the passage of an HR 4437-type immigration law are hard to predict. Such a law aims to destroy the autonomy of immigration not only by criminalizing individual undocumented immigrants, but also by criminalizing the organizations that are at the center of a supportive immigrant community: the Church, the union, the local political machine, and the network of family and homeland friends and associates. The problem with such a law from the point of view of Capital is that if it were applied successfully, it would be so rigid it might destroy the capitalist function of immigration—the preservation of labor flexibility—and therefore it would be a worse catastrophe! For Capital’s problem is that workers are using immigration as a way of advancing their agenda; they are no longer being ruled by its signals generated by “the labor market.” HR 4437, by ham-fistedly conflating the categories of “illegal immigrant” and “terrorist” creates a powerful rhetorical effect that commits the system to a rigidity that can undermine its raison d’etre. After all, employers who hire the undocumented are not only greedy, but they become in the eyes of this bill the equivalent of traitors and “fifth columnists”! On the other side, if a draconian law like HR 4437 is systematically under-enforced, then the loss of control over immigrant workers would be even more drastic. Since, from the capitalists’ conception of labor power, a lazy, toothless, barking bulldog is even less effective as a herder of labor power than a scrappy terrier with sharp teeth.

The HR 4437 defenders could point out that given the economic devastation caused by neo-liberal policies in the former colonized world, the undocumented would come and take their chances even if the law were enforced to the letter. In their defense, they could point to the death ships full of undocumented “damned of the earth” paying thousands of dollars to cross the Mediterranean from North Africa to work in an Italy with an immigration law (the “Bossi-Fini” law) that is even more draconian than HR 4437—and they often end drowned on the sea floor for their troubles. That is a measure of the level of despair around this planet. The pro-HR 4437 capitalists can argue that undocumented immigrants would be even more docile, frightened, and slave-like, after the law was passed, especially in the face of the obvious failure of the “Si Se Puede” insurrection’s effort.

But the role of such workers is so crucial to the functioning of the US economy at this time that many wiser heads are loath to count on an “all-stick-no-carrot” law like HR 4437. The supporters of S 2611 (including the likes of President Bush, and Senators John McCain and Ted Kennedy) are claiming that their bill will be punitive enough to end the autonomy of immigration, but not so prohibitive that it will interrupt the crucial flow of immigrants into the US as HR 4437 threatens to do.

Moreover, through its complex system of dividing undocumented immigrants into three levels (creating a Divine Comedy of immigrant labor with its own inferno, purgatory and paradise), it will make enforcement of the law in the interest of workers with more than five years residence in the US. Critics of S 2611 argue in response that it is not strong enough to crush the autonomy of immigrants and that only truly draconian legislation like HR 4437 will take the initiative away from them.

The representatives of Capital have been debating these positions (and will continue to) in a very divided Congress, for the problem of immigration legislation is not one of simply stopping “illegal immigration.” The real question is how to make the condition of immigrant workers both as slave-like (i.e., to have workers without rights) and as flexible (i.e., to have no expenses of reproduction) as possible. There is an additional problem in the summer of 2006, however. In the past immigration legislation did not have to politically deal with its object: the immigrant worker. This time, due to the “Si Se Puede” insurrection, it does.

The Working Class Dilemma: Organizing Power vs. a new “Iron Law of Wages”

The “Si Se Puede” Insurrection is a great moment in US working class history. But this is not to say that every worker approves of it. On the contrary, if the opinion polls of the Pew Hispanic Center are to be believed, there is a significant segment of the working class that is against the demands of the demonstrators. Its February 2006 poll of 2,000 adults (with a large percentage inevitably being workers) found that when asked as to what should be done with the 11 to 12 million “unauthorized” immigrant workers: 32 percent want them to stay permanently; 32 percent would create a temporary-worker program; and 27 percent would deport them all.

There is plainly an intense debate within the US working class (including immigrant workers) about whether immigrant workers in general and undocumented ones in particular increase the power of workers. The two most reasonable sides of the debate are: (a) immigrant workers increase the general level of workers’ power by their prominence in the struggles around unionization, and (b) immigrant workers (especially undocumented ones) reduce wages for US-born workers, especially blacks and Latinos, and lower working class power.

The first position is the basis of much of the AFL-CIO’s support for amnesty for undocumented workers since 2000 after being against it for decades. This reversal came about because its strategists were worried about the dramatic drop in union membership in the US (from 33% in the early post-war years to about 12% today) and were desperately surveying the class horizon for some sector where there was a possibility of reversing the trend. They found it in the immigrant workers, especially the undocumented. These workers were very well disposed to unionization and were at the forefront of the biggest and most successful union battles in the late 1990s. The idea was that if these workers were given more legal security created by an amnesty, they would be able to lead a new wave of unionization similar to how the labor “upsurge” of the 1930s was lead by the immigrants who came in the early part of the century. Moreover, if they increased the power of workers at the floor of the wage labor hierarchy, they would move the rest of the world of workers into action. This “pushing up from the bottom” strategy was a calculated risk, of course, but it was based upon two well-established facts:

(1) Union workers make much higher wages and more and better fringe benefits than do non-union workers. In 2003, the union wage premium (the difference between union and non-union wages after controlling for a variety of worker characteristics such a amount of schooling) was 15.5 percent (for black workers it was 20.9 percent and for Hispanics 23.2 percent). (Yates, 2005)

(2) In workplace after workplace, the majority of non-unionized workers have expressed through surveys the desire to be unionized. That is, unionization had a demonstrable positive impact on wages and workers knew it. So what is holding back a new wave of unionization similar to the CIO drives of the 1930s? Clearly it is the fear that if you were involved a unionization campaign, you threatened your own job and (with the bosses’ threat to relocate the workplace, if it is unionized, continually drummed into your head) the jobs of your work mates. Anything that could weaken this well-justified fear would help increase the power of workers to unionize and increase their power directly in the wage arena. But this citizen worker’s fear concerning union organizing is amplified many times over for an immigrant worker, especially if s/he is undocumented. Consequently, their terror could only be countered by the legalization their status. The consequence of amnesty, the AFL-CIO thinkers reasoned, would be an increase in unionization at the bottom that would filter up the wage scale.

This position has clearly a wide resonance in the US working class as evidenced by the fact that almost three quarters of the people in the Pew Hispanic Center poll referred to above were for an alternative to large-scale deportation of undocumented immigrants. But there are clearly many who believe that immigrants have a negative impact on their status as workers, using a “common-sense economics” that resembles the “iron law of wages” in the 19th century. That old “law” postulated that there is a fixed amount of the national product that is fated to be paid in wages, called the “wage fund,” so that the more workers competing for the wage fund, the lower the wage rate. The newer version takes a more dynamic supply-and-demand form that can be found in many modern textbooks; for example, in Paul Samuelson’s Economics: “Limitation of the supply of any grade of labor can be expected to raise its wage rate; an increase in supply will, other things being equal, tend to depress wage rates” (Samuelson is quoted in Borjas 2004).

Since immigration brings in more laborers of different “grades,” they will be “chasing” the same number of jobs they are qualified for, thus reducing the prevailing wage rate for that type of job. Conversely, a sure way to increase wages, other things being equal, is simply to reduce the number of workers chasing the same job by, for example, eliminating immigrants from the chase.

This reasoning sounds obvious, however uncomfortable it is for supporters of amnesty for undocumented immigrants. George Borjas, a Cuban-born US economist, is the most famous proponent of this application of the “law of supply and demand” to the “labor market.” His research design was straightforward: he divided the waged working class into four education levels (high school drop out/high school grad/some college/college grad) and eight work experience levels, and therefore 32 cells (or “skill groups,” as Borjas called them). He then studied for each cell the wage growth and the change in the proportion of immigrants between 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990 and 2000. On the basis of his findings he concluded that there is “a negative relation between wage growth and immigration: weekly wages grew fastest for workers in those skill groups that were least affected by immigration.” (Borjas 2004) More precisely, he calculated, counterfactually, what wages would have been if there were no immigrants:

“[T]he immigrant influx that entered the country between 1980 and 2000 lowered the wage by 7.4 percent for high school drop outs, by 3.6 percent for college graduates, and by around 2 percent for both high school graduates and workers with some college… Similarly, although this immigrant influx lowered the wages of white native workers by 3.5 percent, it lowered the wage of native-born blacks by 4.5 percent, and of native-born Hispanics by 5 percent.” (Borjas 2004)

He then uses a “supply and demand” model to explain the negative relation: “it seems that Paul Samuelson was right after all: Wages fall when immigrants increase the size of the workforce” (Borjas 2004).

It appears that the intuition of workers who want to decrease legal immigration and find “illegal immigration a serious problem,” is backed by theory and evidence. Do they have a point?

I do not think so. Borjas’ key finding was the negative correlation between the percentage of immigrants in a skill group and the growth in wage rates for that skill group: a low percentage of immigrants correlates with larger wage increases, a high percentage of immigrants correlates with lower wages increases. But correlation does not determine explanation. Even if his correlation holds, why it holds is still an open question.

Borjas immediately concludes that the correlation’s explanation resides in the supply and demand law of the labor market: the more workers the lower the wage rate. But there is no reason why this is the best explanation. After all, it might be that the correlation is accounted for by the fact that immigrants have fewer legal powers and rights and so in areas of the economy where they predominate, wage rates will increase more slowly than in areas where they are less in evidence. If this explanation of the correlation is best, then a major positive change in the legal status of immigrants, especially undocumented ones, would most likely end the negative correlation between wage growth and percentage of immigrant workers.

Even the common intuition that “immigrants, especially undocumented ones, take jobs Americans do not want” can explain the correlation as well. After all, if jobs taken by a specific skill group have very slowly-growing wages, this would make them less attractive to native workers and would draw in immigrant workers (especially undocumented ones), making for a higher percentage of immigrants in the skill groups in question. In other words, does wage growth determine the composition of the skill group or vice versa?

This inability to find a single, obvious best explanation arises from an obvious fact: the determination of wages is a complex matter. Changes in wage rates cannot be attributed to supply and demand explanations for a variety of reasons. The most important one is that wages are determined by class struggles whose rules are themselves the objects of struggle. We know, for example, that wages depend upon additional factors besides the number of workers, such as (a) the organizational power of workers, and (b) the “reproduction cost” of workers’ labor power. History has shown that workers who have organized themselves adequately have forced reluctant capitalists to accept minimum wage rates for a variety of jobs (as well as limits to the work day and better working conditions). The geographical dispersion of wages demonstrates that there is no given level of housework and commodities that is necessary to reproduce a worker’s labor power diurnally or generationally. The minimum reproduction costs for a particular kind of labor power is battled for throughout the circuit of a worker’s life, from factory, office or farm to the kitchen and bedroom with radically different results across the planet (and these differences constitute what we often call “culture”).

These additional elements of wage determination can explain why immigrant labor is attractive to capitalists. First, immigrant workers have less capacity to organize with other workers because of their reduced legal status and their being objects of racism or other forms of chauvinism. Second, the reproduction costs of immigrants’ labor power up until the time of their arrival (usually as adult but youthful workers) is borne by families, communities and the state of their home country. They arrive in the US literally as gifts to capital from the hands, hearts, and wombs especially of the women of Mexico and the rest of the Americas!

Another, more philosophical reason to doubt Borjas’ explanation of the correlation is due to the concept that both he and Paul Samuelson use, without comment, “the labor market.” The notion of the labor market assumes that human labor power is a thing that can be separated from its “owner” and sold on “the labor market” the way material objects (apples, coal, or automobiles) can be separated from their owners and be sold on a commodity market. Once such an idea is accepted, the rest of their explanatory scheme becomes “commonsensical.” Their ability to make this assumption without comment, however, shows how far capitalist ideology has penetrated the working class mind. For the very idea of “the labor market” is a great example of commodity fetishism and bad faith, i.e., the superstitious transubstantiation of social relations, especially conflictual ones, into simple relations among things. But one’s capacity to labor that is sold for a wage cannot be separated from one’s life, it is a part of one’s existence that is supposed to become another’s who puts it to use to make a profit. This transaction is justified by an impossible contract sealed with a mutual act of bad faith by worker and capitalist, since one cannot truly sell one’s life to another. To make the whole notion of a labor market work in law, therefore, the worker is recognized as the owner of his/her self, who can sell parts of this very self into a partial slavery to another! It is reminiscent of the famous bargain with the devil, where the devil “buys” a soul that is in actuality inalienable. This impossible, demonic and metaphysical feat lies at the heart of the concept of the labor market. The apparent “common sense” of the Borjas explanation of the impact of immigration on the wage is simply an illusion of power.

Finally, if this philosophical excursus into the working class condition is not acceptable as a critique, consider the following empirical comparison in Table 1 instead:

Table I (percentages)

All workers black workers Hispanic workers
“union premium” 15.5 20.9 23.2
“Borjas gap” -3.7 -4.5 -5

The two rows simply compare the different effects of unionization (according to Yates) and immigration (according to Borjas) on wage growth with respect to different categories of workers. The “union premium” swamps out the “Borjas gap” quite dramatically. For example, when black workers get unionized their wages tend to increase by almost 21 percent, while according to Borjas their wage loss due to increased immigration is 4.5 percent. Put in a counterfactual setting and ignoring the interaction between “the union premium” and the “Borjas gap,” these numbers result in the following: if a native black worker is involved in a workplace where immigrant workers successfully organize a union (after an improvement in their legal status) and s/he joins, his/her average wage increase would be 16.4 percent. Clearly in such circumstances, black workers would then be the winners from immigration. The same holds true, though for different wage gains, for white and Hispanic workers as well. If such an eventually appears throughout the economy, then there would be a dramatic increase in wages due to the increase in the rights of immigrant workers. One can conclude from Borjas’ work that if immigrants come to the US and have no rights they will be a drag on the wages of native-born members of the US working class, but if they come to the US, get the rights to organize and they use them, they will be an important stimulus to an upsurge of increased wages for all workers in the US!

The divided mind of the US working class expresses itself this summer in a race between the desire for legalizing undocumented immigrants, thereby freeing their capacity to organize to fight for the whole class, and the desire to deport all of the undocumented and try to force capital to stay put within the territorial US. Who will win out in this race is not clear, because the choice for a new possibility (the joining with the immigrants and undocumented) is risky and can lead to loss, if legalization ends only with increased competition between more workers. The “Si Se Puede” Insurrection demonstrated to the rest of the US working class, however, that the undocumented are ready to fight, all they need are the legal weapons to do so. Besides, the path of the Minutemen and their ilk is clearly a dead-end, since there is no likelihood that Capital would accept having its capital “stuck” in the US. If forced to choose, it would unambiguously accept the option of legalizing the undocumented over that eventuality. The question is, who will force Capital to choose?

Conclusion: The class situation in the summer of 2006

The complex inner conflicts within classes described above are the source of the indecision we are witnessing in both capital and the working class in the US in the aftermath of the “Si Se Puede” Insurrection. It is impossible for me to predict which side of the debate the preponderance of class powers will settle on, and, once that is settled, what the outcome of the inter-class conflict will be.

But what is clear is that the insurrection of the six week period between March 25 and May Day, with its deep connection to the recent revolutions against neo-liberalism in South America, is promising another kind of working class power in the US. It remains for native-born workers to cast their lot with the most disenfranchised part of their class. If they do not, though the undocumented will suffer most immediately, it is they who will seal their place in history’s Cocito, the frozen river at the bottom of Hell.

Parma, 17 June 2006

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bacon, David, “Getting No Bill At All is Better than Senate Bill,” New America Media, May 25, 2006
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=f4ad410327ee72 cbd6fca147644b8a1d

Borjas, George, “Increasing the Supply of Labor Through Immigration: Measuring the Impact on Native-born Workers,” Center for Immigration Studies, May, 2004
http://www.cis.org.articles/2004/back504.html

Justice for Immigrants, “Major Provisions of HR4437,” 2006
http://www.justiceforimmigrants.org/HR4437

Yates, Michael, “The Statistical Portrait of the US Working Class,” Monthly Review, April, 2005

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This story first appeared in Metamute
http://www.metamute.org/?qen/node/8052

See also:

“Operation ‘Return to Sender’ sweeps Midwest; border deaths hit high,” WW4 REPORT, July 24
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“Chicago: immigrant workers end hunger strike; vigil continues,” WW4 REPORT, June 5
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“NYC: Mayday mobilization report,” WW4 REPORT, May 2
/node/1914

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COLOMBIA: INDIGENOUS DISPLACED, KILLED

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

Thousands of civilians have been displaced and many more are trapped by fighting between Colombian government forces and leftist rebels in the southwestern department of Narino, bordering Ecuador, and in the northwestern Pacific coast department of Choco. In Narino, the fighting has forced at least 1,300 people from their homes [in mid-July]. In Choco, civilians have been killed and wounded, and people are trapped in the area and unable to flee. Most of those affected are indigenous people, including children and pregnant women. (IDP News Alert, July /20) The combat in Choco has left indigenous communities along the Truando river stranded and incommunicado. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is especially concerned about some 137 Embera indigenous people trapped there for over a week. (Adital, July 19)

In Narino, the Permanent Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CPDH) reports that at least four teachers have been killed or disappeared in recent weeks. In Samaniego municipality, Efren Alonso Motta Acosta, a teacher in the Bellavista rural school, has been disappeared since June 27. Luis Hernando Chiran, a teacher in the El Guadual rural school in Ricaurte municipality, was abducted and his body found six days later showing signs of torture. Francisco Ernesto Garcia, who taught at the El Tambillo educational center in Sandona municipality, was found dead on July 6 in an abandoned rural area along the road to Samaniego. On July 10, teacher Ivan Nanez Munoz died, hit by seven bullets, on his way to work at the Bellavista educational center in San Pablo municipality.

The CPDH Narino section also reports that the Colombian Air Force has been bombing and strafing Awa indigenous communities in Ricaurte and Barbacoas municipalities, causing massive displacement. Hundreds of people have sought refuge in the villages of Cumbas and Guadual, where they are stranded without any food or supplies. (Comite Permanente de Derechos Humanos-Seccional Narino, July 13 via dhcolombia.info)

According to the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), three indigenous people have died in the bombings and combat in Narino between the Colombian Army’s 29th Brigade and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Ricaurte and Cumbal municipalities. The victims include Luis Arsecio Valenzuela, a former indigenous governor of Cumbal, and another community leader, Campos Paguay. Their families have been unable to recover their bodies because the combat is continuing. Not even the Red Cross has been able to enter the area, which is being blockaded by the military. (CRIC, July 19 via Adital)

From Weekly News Update on the Americas, July 23

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ECUADOR: OIL PROTESTS CONTINUE

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

Some 22,000 residents of the northeastern Ecuadoran province of Orellana began a “progressive strike” on June 28 to protest environmental damage by the French oil company Perenco and repression by the military. The protest began with residents of the provincial capital, Francisco de Orellana, blocking roads leading to one of Perenco’s installations and threatening to block all the roads in the province, where much of the country’s oil production is concentrated. “The number [of protesters] will grow with the actions, because the communities will no longer put up with disrespect from the government and the oil companies,” Orellana province prefect Guadalupe Llori told the media.

Confrontations between the protesters and some 300 soldiers increased after protesters seized the area around the Coca airport and blocked the roads leading to it. Llori charged the military had violated the law by entering Francisco de Orellana, where it had no jurisdiction, and using rubber bullets and tear gas “against an unarmed civilian population”; two people were wounded. “[T]he soldiers made an attempt on my life,” Llori said. “They nearly killed me when they aimed a gun at me; the truth is, I don’t know how I escaped.” Later the soldiers deployed outside Coca municipality, where residents said they detained three local people.

The protesters were demanding that Perenco leave the province and pay for the damage they say it has caused. They also wanted the military to end a “state of exception” (state of emergency) it had enforced in the province for 105 days and to release human rights activist Wilmer (or Wilman) Jimenez Salazar.

According to human rights groups, the police seized Jimenez near a Perenco facility on June 19 when he was acting as a human rights observer at a protest by some 200 local campesinos, who were blocking access. Jimenez was one of two people wounded by rubber bullets. The police turned him over to military authorities, who held him for two days before notifying his family and defense attorneys. Joint Task Force #4 commander Gonzalo Meza denied a habeas corpus petition, saying Jimenez was “encountered in a fragrant act” (an error for “flagrant act”). The army says he will be tried for sabotage before a military tribunal. (El Comercio, Guayaquil. June 28; Prensa Latina, June 29; Univision, June 28 from EFE; El Universo, Guayaquil, July 1)

From Weekly News Update on the Americas, July 2

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PERU: TRADE PACT PASSES, CAMPESINOS PROTEST

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

In the early morning of June 28 Peru’s Congress voted 79-14 with six abstentions to ratify the Andean Free Trade Agreement (AFTA, known locally as the Free Trade Treaty, or TLC), a trade pact Peru signed with the US in December. Some 1,000-2,000 protesters began a march in the streets of Lima to reject the TLC, which they said will destroy Peruvian agriculture and industry through competition with US products. The night before, as Congress was debating the ratification, a group of political leaders from the party of nationalist former presidential candidate Ollanta Humala pushed their way into the Congress building and forced legislators to suspend the session for a half hour.

At the June 28 march, Congress member Javier Diez Canseco, leader of the Socialist Party, said that “struggle and social pressure” were ways of attacking the accord but that he would work on legal action to have the ratification declared unconstitutional.

Other politicians pushed for legislation to mitigate the effects of the TLC. Congress has approved bills providing $171 million worth of compensation for the agricultural sector, and other measures are under discussion. Legislators from the social democratic Peruvian Aprista Party (PAP) voted for the TLC, but PAP leader Alan Garcia, who takes office as president on July 28, has promised to renegotiate parts of the accord. (Punto de Noticias, Venezuela, June 28 from AFP; Univision, US, June 28 from EFE; Prensa Latina, July 1)

From Weekly News Update on the Americas, July 2

Peruvian campesinos blocked roads and held street demonstrations on July 4 to protest the TLC. In the southern city of Pisco, police used tear gas to disperse protesters who were blocking the Panamerican South highway with stones. Campesinos in the south said on July 5 they would continue an open-ended strike and road blockades to protest the TLC.

Some 500 people marched on July 4 through the center of Lima to protest the TLC. The protesters later rallied peacefully outside the bunker-like home of US ambassador James Curtis Struble, which was guarded by 1,000 police agents, while inside the complex President Alejandro Toledo praised the TLC at an event honoring US independence day. (El Nuevo Herald, Miami, July 5 from AP; AFP, July 4; Prensa Latina, July 5; Adital, July 5) Toledo flew to the US on July 9 to begin lobbying members of the US Congress to approve the trade pact. (El Comercio, Peru, July 9)

The US hopes that AFTA will eventually include Colombia and Ecuador.

From Weekly News Update on the Americas, July 9

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