“BIONOIA”

Did U.S. Use Germ Warfare Against DC Peace March?
Or Are We Just Being Bionoid…?

by Mark Sanborne

“Bionoia… Catch It!”

There’s something uniquely scary about germs. Along with making us sick, they’re the things that put the “B” in ABC (Atomic, Biological, and Chemical) warfare. Sure, there’s been some stiff competition on the fear-o-meter: Cheney warning that a WMD attack on a U.S. city was inevitable, ongoing chatter about dirty bombs, a government report that an attack on chemical plants in New Jersey could send a “lung-melting” cloud over New York, killing over a million. Still, the prospect of lab-bred bacteria and viruses causing mass indiscriminate sickness and death holds a special horrid fascination for many people.

This is not surprising. Fortunately, exposure to atomic blast, radiation, and poison gas are hypotheticals for most of us, but we all have personal experience fighting infections and disease, and our species has a long genetic and cultural memory of such ills. And unlike the relatively site-specific nature of nuke and chemical attacks, biological pandemics—be they man-made or “natural”—have the potential to spread their devastation across the country and globe in a matter of weeks or months.

With the latest “regular” flu season and its attendant vaccine shortages upon us, and the specter of deadly bird flu suddenly being trumpeted by the media-medical establishment, it’s no wonder that public paranoia has been whipped up. These fears follow a well-worn groove dating back decades: AIDS, of course, and the emergence of other frightening “hot zone” diseases like the Ebola and Marburg viruses from the jungles of Africa, and their potential dissemination via globalization and worldwide air travel: the “revenge of nature” scenario. Domestically, there have also been “outbreaks” like Lyme’s and Legionnaire’s disease, West Nile virus, and more recently SARS, which supposedly was spawned in the unsanitary condition of China’s exotic cuisine market. Then there’s the talk of flesh-eating bacteria in our hospitals and other scary diseases-of-the-week.

Fear of “bioterrorism” has been a parallel track running in the public consciousness. For decades there have been warnings from “experts” about the looming threat of biowarfare attacks by terrorists, a menace that became the staple of countless mass-market books, TV shows, and Hollywood thrillers. But who, exactly, are the “bioterrorists?”

A common motif—and still a current favorite—involves terrorists buying black-market plague weapons from disaffected and/or mercenary ex-Soviet or Third World scientists. (Of course, the main real-life example of this trade was the transfer of U.S. bio-agents to Iraq in the 1980s.) This cliched script point found a real-life echo in reports from Afghanistan, after the U.S. invasion in 2001, of documents in a supposed al-Qaeda safe house indicating elaborate if not fantastical plans for aerial anthrax attacks against unnamed targets.

That presumably is the kind of bioterrorism that we’re supposed to fear, and for which billions of new homeland-security dollars are currently being spent. But it also raises what should be an obvious question: if the Russians and certain Third World dictators have dangerous biowar programs—what about the U.S.?

TREATY DODGING

Many Americans, sadly, would probably be surprised to discover that the U.S. does indeed have a very robust biological warfare capability, despite the fact that President Nixon ordered a halt to the U.S. biowar program in 1969 and signed the 1972 International Biological Weapons Convention banning their production and use. The BWC was ratified by the Senate in 1974 and to date has been ratified by 143 other nations. Unfortunately the landmark treaty had no enforcement protocol whereby suspicious sites could be inspected, and the U.S. has endeavored mightily ever since to keep it that way.

Most recently, the task fell to that most belligerent of necons, John R. Bolton, who was shoehorned into his U.N. ambassadorship in an Aug. 1 recess appointment by Bush. (The appointment technically lasts until a new Congress convenes in January 2007.) Back in December 2001, when he was undersecretary of state for arms control and international security (!), Bolton single-handedly scuttled an international conference in Geneva aimed at finally implementing a BWC enforcement protocol, saying it was “dead is not going to be resurrected.”

The U.S. was the only signatory to object to the protocol, claiming countries like Iraq and Iran were cheaters, and that inspections could reveal biowar trade secrets of the U.S. military and its partners in the private sector—research with potentially huge commercial value in the pharmaceutical and vaccine industries. Presumably, the fear is that international inspection teams could be infiltrated by foreign intelligence agents—as the U.S. and Britain did in the case of Iraq from the 1990s up until the recent war.

But the larger reason for Washington’s adamant if lonely opposition may have more to do with the treaty’s other fatal loophole: the “defensive” research exception. The convention’s signatories pledge not to develop, produce, stockpile, or acquire biological agents or toxins “of types and in quantities that have no justification for prophylactic, protective, and other peaceful purposes.” Unfortunately, that has been interpreted as allowing countries to continue developing ever-more-deadly pathogens, as long as it’s done in small amounts and only for the purpose of developing countermeasures, like drugs and vaccines.

That exception allowed the U.S. and others—principally Britain and the Soviets—to continue business as usual by labeling their biowar programs as now being defensive in nature. The U.S. junked its germ stockpiles from the early Cold War period and launched a new generation of biowar research, using cutting-edge advances in recombinant DNA to devise new versions of already virulent diseases. Over the years more and more of that work has been farmed out to spooky “defense” contractors like Science Applications International Corp. (SAIC) and the Battelle Memorial Institute. Never mind international inspectors, it’s not clear that anyone—and certainly not Congress—is overseeing this sprawling bio-industrial complex to ensure it’s in compliance with international treaty and domestic law.

Here is a vast underground empire, hiding in various government and private labs around the country, sucking up billions of dollars in secret funding, dedicated to creating the very things we fear most, and marred with a long, well-documented history of covert biowar experiments on U.S. citizens and attacks on foreign enemies. Yet those facts and that history are verboten in polite media discourse; instead the talking heads work overtime to keep our post-9-11 fears focused on “terrorists” and “rogue states.”

Thus various commentators have had no difficulty speculating that North Korea may be “weaponizing” avian flu for sale to al-Qaeda, that SARS might have been a bioengineered virus that escaped from a Chinese weapons lab, or that the introduction of West Nile virus into the U.S. in 1999 was a dirty trick from Saddam. But it’s apparently impossible for our intelligentsia to conceive the possibility that “rogue elements” (whatever that means in today’s context) in the U.S. biowarfare community could be responsible for those or other such horrors, whether by clumsy accident or nefarious design. Except, of course, for the 2001 anthrax attacks, which is perhaps why that highly suspicious case has dropped down the memory hole.

But maybe I’m just being…bionoid.

RABBIT FEVER GOES TO WASHINGTON

Or am I? On Sept. 24, 2005, I joined at least 100,000 other people from across the country on the National Mall in Washington D.C. to protest the Iraq war. It didn’t get much press, but here’s something that got even less: on Sept. 30, the federal Centers for Disease Control warned public health authorities that a low concentration of the Francisella tularensis bacteria that causes Tularemia—commonly known as rabbit fever—had been detected by six different bioweapons sensors around Washington that day.

The sensors, run by the Department of Homeland Security’s Bio Watch program, are designed to detect six bio-agents deemed by the government most likely to be used as biological weapons. The little-known rabbit fever is one of them; it takes only 10 of the microscopic bacteria to cause Tularemia, which if left untreated can kill 50% of those infected. (The other favorites include anthrax, smallpox, and plague.) DHS waited three days before informing the CDC, which took another three days to do its own tests before sending out a low-profile alert.

“It is alarming that health officials…were only notified six days after the bacteria was first detected,” House Government Reform chairman Tom Davis (R-VA) wrote in an Oct. 3 letter to Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff. “Have DHS and CDC analysts been able to determine if the pathogen detected was naturally occurring or the result of a terrorist attack?”

“There is no known nexus to terror or criminal behavior,” a DHS spokesman told the Washington Post. “We believe this to be environmental.” A CDC spokesman concurred, saying: “It is not unreasonable that this is a natural occurrence. There are still no cases of Tularemia.”

There are two problems with this bizarrely placid official reaction. One, there are indeed people who say they came down with unknown infections shortly after returning from the protest, though there is as yet no proof that rabbit fever was the culprit. A number of personal accounts of sickness by named individuals were cited on the ProgressiveSociety.com blog for Oct. 8 and on Salon.com Oct. 18.

One person wrote on Progressive Society: “Hi, I wanted to let people know that many people got sick after the march, including myself. Initially, it seemed like the flu, but wasn’t responding to flu treatment. Then I thought to switch to a treatment for bacteria infection, and then started to feel a little better… The incubation time for this bacteria is 3 to 24 days. There are people who came with me from Southern states who are just getting sick now.”

Salon cited four people who said they got sick after attending the anti-war rally. One was Mike Phelps, 45, who traveled there from Raleigh, NC, and said he began getting sick three days after returning home. “It was gross,” he said. “I literally vomited out cup loads of phlegm. Most of it was dark-colored. I’ve never had anything like this before.” His doctor diagnosed pneumonia and prescribed antibiotics. When Phelps informed him about the Tularemia scare a few days later, the doctor said he would’ve have prescribed the same antibiotics for rabbit fever.

Salon also interviewed independent experts who scoffed at the idea that a “natural” source of the rabbit fever bacteria somehow ended up in the soil on the Mall and was kicked up into the air by all the protesters. They noted that the six sensors that detected the germs were located miles apart, indicating that a more likely explanation was dispersal from the air. (As at most such protests, there were various helicopters flying overhead all day.)

William Stanhope of the St. Louis University School of Public Health’s Institute for Biosecurity told Salon he was convinced it was a botched terrorist attack. “I think we were lucky and the terrorists were not good,” he said. “I am stunned that this has not been more of a story.”

As for the CDC’s “nature did it” explanation, Stanhope says: “One sensor, I’d say maybe. Two sensors is a stretch. Six sensors? I’m sorry, you don’t have enough money to buy enough martinis to make me believe that it is naturally occurring at six different sites.”

Dr. Steven Hinrichs of the University of Nebraska Center for Biosecurity agreed, telling Salon: “The fact that it happened in six locations would have supported an attack scenario… It could be a failed attack.”

An attack, yes. But perhaps also a devious test that, far from failing, did exactly what it was supposed to do. Which again brings us back to the question: precisely who are the “bioterrorists”?

NEXT MONTH: Anthrax, bird flu, SARS and U.S. biological terrorism

SOURCES:

US Mission to the EU, press release on Bolton’s position on the BWC
http://www.use.be/Categories/Defense/Nov1901BoltonBiologicalWeapons.html

“Biological alarm in Washington,” by Mark Benjamin, Salon, Oct. 18, 2005
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2005/10/18/tularemia/index_np.html

“Tularemia at DC March,” Progressive Society Blog, Nov. 5, 2005
http://www.progressivesociety.com/blog/?postid=284

The Sunshine Project
Research and facts about biological weapons and biotechnology
http://www.sunshine-project.org

WW4 REPORT #15 on Bolton scuttling the Biological Weapons Convention
/15.html#shadows10

WW4 REPORT #15 on the supposed al-Qaeda anthrax threat
/15.html#shadows6

WW4 REPORT #45 on infiltration of UN Iraq inspections by U.S. spies
/45.html#iraq17

WW4 REPORT #4 on U.S. sale of biological agents to Saddam Hussein
/4.html#shadows2

WW4 REPORT #15 on U.S. Army origins of anthrax in the 2001 attacks
/15.html#shadows1

WW4 REPORT #24 on FBI probe of U.S. Army facilities in anthrax attacks
/24.html#1anthrax

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Special to WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Dec. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue Reading“BIONOIA” 

AVIAN FASCISM

The Ecology of Pandemic and the Impending Bio-Police State

by Michael I. Niman

If there’s any good to come out of the Gulf Coast tragedy, it’s that Katrina is a harbinger warning of what the Bush junta has in store for us should an avian flu pandemic hit America. Katrina, like the tsunami that hit Asia nine months earlier, also demonstrates how greed, political priorities and development priorities compounded the killing power of otherwise “natural” disasters.

A Perfect Biological Storm

In the case of the Avian flu, it’s Third World urban poverty combined with the corporate model for factory-farming chickens that has created the perfect environment to incubate a superflu. It goes like this: anti viral drugs are expensive and their production is limited due to patents held by large multinational pharmaceutical corporations. Tamiflu, the most effective anti-flu medication on the market today, for example, sells for at least $40 per treatment, making it cost-prohibitive in a world where over one billion people subsist on under one dollar per day. The French-owned Roche corporation owns the patent for the US-developed drug, manufacturing a limited supply in one plant in Switzerland. When South Africa and Thailand asked the World Health Organization to secure permission for the two countries to manufacture the drug generically at their own plants, France and the United States halted discussion on the question, effectively blocking the large scale production of affordable Tamiflu and guaranteeing an acute worldwide shortage. Prevailing market conditions guarantee that the world’s poorest countries will be the least likely to afford whatever limited amount of Tamiflu is on the global market.

Compound this drug shortage with the reality that structural adjustment regimes imposed on “debtor nations” over the last generation by the World Bank and IMF have decimated public health systems around the world. Most countries don’t have adequate supplies of anti-viral drugs or vaccines, nor do they have an adequate health care infrastructure to monitor the spread of diseases. Urban poverty has exacerbated this situation by concentrating billions of people in crowded unsanitary conditions without safe drinking water or sewage facilities—effectively creating super-incubators for all communicable diseases. When a disease like influenza spreads quickly in a dense population, it maintains its virulence. Once a flu epidemic sweeps through any ill-prepared country, it will almost inevitably spread across the globe.

University of California professor Michael Davis, author of The Monster at Our Door: The Global Threat of Avian Flu, also points out that the global chicken industry has created, over the past fifteen years, an environment in which new strains of influenza can quickly germinate. Davis singles out Tyson Foods (on whose board of directors Hillary Clinton formerly served) as creating the model in which unprecedented concentrations of chickens are raised in enormous warehouses, speeding up the “evolution of influenza” as the virus quickly passes through huge chicken populations. Abhorrent working conditions can put chicken industry workers in dangerous contact with infected chickens. Davis argues that we’ve “changed the nature of the disease by changing its ecology,” creating the conditions for stronger strains of flu to emerge and new vectors for it to jump from birds to other populations.

The combination of industrialized chicken production, urban poverty, high population density, poor sanitary infrastructure and decimated public health care systems has created the conditions for a deadly flu pandemic—with the current H5N1 strain posing a serious threat to quickly mutate into a super-toxic virus with the ability to easily spread among human populations.

The U.S. Response

Epidemiologists, to no avail, have been sounding the alarm about H5N1 since 1997 to both the Clinton and Bush administrations. Rather than respond to the alarm, both administrations continued to support the very policies that were setting the conditions for a pandemic—using the WTO to open markets to chicken industrialization, and pushing further “structural adjustment” regimes defunding public health and sanitation infrastructure in the Third World. In the U.S., we only have enough Tamiflu to treat two percent of the population. If the New Orleans evacuation has taught us anything—it’s who that two percent won’t be.

The situation at home is compounded further by the fact that the U.S. healthcare system, in a quest to be “cost effective,” has decimated its “surge capacity.” This means that we don’t have a ready supply of empty hospital beds, emergency rooms and intensive care units to deal with a large-scale emergency. Our healthcare stratagem seems to be based on the airline model, which seeks to keep all planes operating as close to capacity as possible. This thinking is now being applied to hospitals. While this model works for the airlines—where empty seats flying in the sky equal lost revenue—it bodes disaster for our healthcare system, where we’d rather the rooms stay empty but ready. If a flu pandemic hits, or any other pandemic for that matter, our bare-bones healthcare system will be overwhelmed. Once that happens, people will not only die from the flu—they’ll die from a plethora of accidents and other diseases because there won’t be medical facilities to accommodate them.

Avian Fascism

Only now, at the eleventh hour, with the devil knocking (or perhaps kicking) at the door, has the Bush administration responded with a strategy—developing a plan for a militarized response that’s more frightening than the pandemic itself. Bush is currently requesting authority to mobilize the military against civilian populations in an attempt to quarantine cities where an infection occurs. If the flu pandemic hits and we get sick, there won’t be medicine or hospital beds for us, but there’ll be plenty of soldiers ready to shoot us, it seems.

Militarism is the Bush administration’s one-thought solution to all problems. Of course, with trillions of dollars going to the military while our life-saving infrastructure is decimated with budget cuts, the Bushistas really left themselves no other choices but to use the only tool they have, horrifically inappropriate for most situations as it may be.

It’s also horrifically ineffective in this case. If avian flu hits a human population in the U.S., it clearly won’t be the first or the only population to be affected—and cordoning off cities and trying to shoot people as they leave won’t stop the disease’s spread. Immediately nullifying Roche’s exclusive patent rights to Tamiflu and marshalling global resources for mass-scale production of the drug, as well as other anti-viral medications, would be a much more rational and effective move.

Now let’s put all of this into the context of recent events. Bush’s top lieutenants seem to be either under criminal investigation or under indictment. Republican House Majority Leader Tom Delay was arrested. Republican Senate Majority Leader Bill First is being investigated by the SEC for insider trading on a family-connected firm previously busted for ripping off Medicaid. Bush consigliere Karl Rove, along with Vice President
Dick Cheney and his Chief of Staff, Scooter Libby, are all under investigation in the Valerie Plame affair. Bush opponents are calling for his impeachment and prosecution on seventeen different counts. All it will take is one alleged case of communicable human avian influenza, and all of this will be a moot point as we slip into martial law.
——

Michael I. Niman’s previous columns are archived at:
http://www.mediastudy.com

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Dec. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingAVIAN FASCISM 

PARAGUAY: THE PENTAGON’S NEW LATIN BEACHHEAD

Is the Real Enemy Islamic Terrorism, or Bolivia’s Indigenous Revolution?

by Benjamin Dangl

The recent shift to the left among Latin American governments has been a cause for concern in the Bush administration. The White House has tried in vain to put this shift in check. Presidential elections in Bolivia on December 18 are likely to further challenge US hegemony. Evo Morales, an indigenous, socialist congressman, is expected to win the election. How far will the US go to prevent a leftist victory in Bolivia? Some Bolivians fear the worst.

In the past year, US military operations in neighboring Paraguay, Bolivia’s neighbor on the southeast, have complicated the already tumultuous political climate in the region. White House officials claim the operations are part of humanitarian aid efforts. However, political analysts in both Paraguay and Bolivia say the activity is aimed at securing the region’s gas and water reserves—and intervening in Bolivia if Morales wins.

Five hundred US troops arrived in Paraguay on July 1 with planes, weapons and ammunition. Reports from a journalist with the Argentine newspaper Clarin corroborate that an airbase exists in Mariscal Estigarribia, Paraguay, which is 200 kilometers from the border with Bolivia and may be utilized by the US military.

Earlier this year, Paraguayan lawmakers granted US troops total immunity and have given the Pentagon access to the Estigarribia base, which was built by US technicians in the 1980s and is larger than Paraguay’s international airport in AsunciĂłn, the country’s capital.

In addition to the military activity, the FBI also has plans for Paraguay. On October 26, FBI Director Robert Mueller arrived in the country to “check on preparations for the installation of a permanent FBI office in AsunciĂłn…to cooperate with security organizations to fight international crime, drug traffic and kidnapping.”

Bruce Kleiner, US press attachĂŠ in AsunciĂłn, quoted in In These Times, said that joint exercises between the US and Paraguayan military have been going on since 1943. He said the current exercises usually involve less than 50 personnel, and last for two weeks at a time. According to Kleiner, there are no US military personnel at Estigarribia.

“I don’t believe in the arguments being put forth by the Secretary of Defense or the Embassy in Asuncion,” responded Jorge Ramon de la Quintana, a former Bolivian military officer and current political analyst. “The military presence in Paraguay reflects a series of perceived threats by US Southern Command… this is the return of the Domino Theory.”

Orlando Castillo, a Paraguayan activist involved in the struggle against the US military presence in his country through the human rights group Service, Peace and Justice, said the goal of the US military in Paraguay is to secure the region’s vast water reserves, “debilitate the southern bloc, to set up offices of US security agencies primarily to monitor the region, and from Paraguay be able to destabilize the region’s governments, especially if Evo Morales wins the elections in Bolivia.”

Paraguayan and US officials contend that much of the recent military collaborations focus on health and humanitarian efforts. However, a recent Washington Times article reported that “of the 13 military exercises at the base in Mariscal, only two involved medical training.”

State Department reports do not mention any funding for health works in Paraguay. They do mention that funding for the Counterterrorism Fellowship Program (CTFP) in the country doubled for 2005. The report explained that “bilateral relations between the US and Paraguay are strong, with Paraguay providing excellent cooperation in the fight against terrorism… CTFP provided funds for Paraguayans to attend courses on the dynamics of international terrorism, and the importance and application of intelligence in combating terrorism.”

Terrorists in the Triple Border Region?

Milda Rivarola, a Paraguayan political analyst, told AlterNet the US operations in Paraguay are focused on “getting closer to the Triple Border, which the U.S. believes is involved in terrorism.”

Allegations of terrorist activity in the region were backed up on November 19, when prosecutors identified Ibrahim Hussein Berro, a member of the Islamic militant group Hezbollah, as being the suicide bomber who blew up a Jewish community centre in Argentina in 1994, killing 85 people. Alberto Nisman, a prosecutor in the case, said investigators believe the attacker entered Argentina via the Triple Border area. The announcement came after years of investigations by Argentine intelligence and the FBI. Hezbollah has denied the charges.

In the aftermath of the 9-11 attacks, US-backed police operations swept up roughly 20 terrorist suspects in Ciudad del Este, Paraguay, a city on the Triple Border. They also investigated $22 million in over 40 accounts suspected of links to terrorist groups, according to a report from the Washington Post.

Gustavo Moussa, a spokesperson for the Islamic Organization of Argentina in Buenos Aires, said that many South American Muslims feel Washington has unfairly labeled the Triple Border as a terrorist haven. “They made those claims without evidence,” he was quoted by AlterNet.

Luiz Moniz Bandeira, a Brazilian-US foreign affairs analyst, told the Washington Times: “I wouldn’t dismiss the hypothesis that US agents plant stories in the media about Arab terrorists in the Triple Frontier to provoke terrorism and justify their military presence.”

In an interview with Brazilian television, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said the Bush administration is using its war on terrorism as a pretext to suppress popular movements in the region.

Bolivian Elections

US military operations in Paraguay have raised controversy in the Bolivian presidential race. Bolivian Workers’ Union leader Jaime Solares has warned of US plans for a military coup to frustrate the elections. Solares told Prensa Latina the US Embassy backs right-wing Jorge Quiroga in his bid for office, and will go as far as necessary to prevent any other candidate’s victory.

Jim Shultz, the director of the Democracy Center, and activist organization in the Bolivian city of Cochabamba, reports on the group’s website that a “source of mine here claims that the US government has been carefully cultivating relationships with ‘anti-Evo’ forces in the Bolivian military, presumably for some sort of U.S.-backed coup down the road.”

The top two contenders in the presidential race are Evo Morales and Jorge Quiroga, a conservative businessman with close ties to the former Hugo Banzer dictatorship, and whose platform includes the privatization of the country’s gas reserves and a hard line against leftist protestors.

There are eight candidates in the race, and Morales is currently in the lead with 32% support in the polls, and Quiroga trailing behind with 27%. The Bolivian constitution requires that the winner receive more than 50% of the votes in order to secure the presidency. If not, congress decides between the top two contenders.

If Quiroga doesn’t win a majority he said he’ll drop out. If Morales wins a majority by even one vote, he’s said he’s prepared to lead protests demanding that congress ratify his victory. Even if Quiroga wins outright, protests against his presidency and subsequent policies are expected to ensue.

The socialist Morales is unpopular among international investors, and when he ran for president in 2002, the US ambassador to Bolivia warned that Washington might cut economic ties if he won. The result was a sharp increase in support among voters which drove him to second place, just 1.5% behind the winner, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada.

Morales has referred to the US-backed Free Trade Area of the Americas as “an agreement to legalize the colonization of the Americas.” He’s not interested in protecting US interests, because he believes that “they have failed to resolve the problems of the majority in our country.” Morales says the US war on drugs in Bolivia is a pretext, and that what the U.S. really wants is Bolivia’s gas reserves, which are the second largest in Latin America. As president, he would work to decriminalize the cultivation of coca and move to nationalize the country’s gas.

If he wins, Morales will join the growing ranks of left-of-center Latin American leaders who, instead of bowing to the interests of foreign corporations, the International Monetary Fund and the Bush administration, have a priority of addressing the needs of the people with social programs in education, agrarian reform and health care.

During an interview with Morales, this reporter asked him about the pressure he may receive from the US government if he is elected president. “We, the indigenous people, after 500 years of resistance, are retaking the power,” he said. “We are changing presidents, economic models and politics. We are convinced that capitalism is the enemy of the earth, of humanity and of culture. The US government does not understand our way of life and our philosophy. But we will defend our proposals, our way of life and our demands with the participation of the Bolivian people.”
——

Benjamin Dangl has traveled and worked as a journalist in Bolivia and Paraguay and is the editor of Upside Down World, an online magazine covering activism and politics in Latin America.

This story originally appeared in Upside Down World, Nov. 16
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/116/1/

SOURCES:

“US Military in Paraguay Prepares to Spread Democracy,” by Benjamin Dang, Upside Down World, Sept. 15, 2005
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/47/44/

“Patrolling America’s Backyard?” by Kelly Hearn, AlterNet.org, Nov. 4, 2005
http://www.alternet.org/story/27775/

“FBI Sets Up Permanent Office in Paraguay, 8th in Latin America,” Prensa Latina, Oct. 26, 2005
http://www.plenglish.com/Article.asp?ID=%7B8A45F3E0-4BC7-
4CDE-87E4-92F824C355DD%7D&language=EN

“US Military Eyes Paraguay,” by Adam Saytanides, In These Times, Nov. 10, 2005
http://www.inthesetimes.com/site/main/print/2381/

Interview with Orlando Castillo, by Benjamin Dangl, Upside Down World, Oct. 16
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/48/1/

“U.S. Inroads Raise Alarm,” by Kenneth Rapoza, Washington Times, Oct. 25, 2005
http://www.washingtontimes.com/world/20051024-103422-6510r.htm

“Foreign Military Training,” Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, US Department of State, May 2005
http://www.state.gov/t/pm/rls/rpt/fmtrpt/2005/45677.htm

“Hezbollah ID’d in 1994 Argentina attack, CNN, Nov. 9, 2005
http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/americas/11/09/argentina.bombing.ap/

“Buenos Aires bomber ‘identified’,” BBC, Nov. 10, 2005
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/4423612.stm

“US Encouraging Military Coup in Bolivia,” Prensa Latina Sept. 13, 2005
http://www.plenglish.com.mx/article.asp?ID={5FC4E7C4-49A3
-4BCD-A796-08441FD72BEE}&language=EN

Jim Shultz, Democracy Center’s Blog From Bolivia, Oct. 22, 2005
http://www.democracyctr.org/blog/2005/10/rumors.html

See also our last update:

Paraguay: indigenous march
/node/1169

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Dec. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingPARAGUAY: THE PENTAGON’S NEW LATIN BEACHHEAD 

WAR ON TRUTH AT GUANTANAMO

Detainees Launch Non-Violent Resistance Behind Pentagon’s Iron Veil

by Tanya Theriault

The veil of secrecy at the US Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, when tugged at, continues to reveal the inhumane treatment of detainees held there. Since January 2002, the US has been imprisoning men (at present 505) from some 30 to 40 countries—but primarily Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Yemen—indefinitely, without legal process, as “enemy combatants,” so as to dodge the requirements of the Geneva Conventions on torture. Reports of torture and abuse of prisoners at Guantanamo continue to come from a variety of sources. Amnesty International has called the detention of the inmates “unlawful and arbitrary,” and found conditions at the prison to be “cruel, inhumane and degrading.” The International Committee of the Red Cross took the rare, bold step of making public the abuse and mental deterioration of inmates as a result of their indefinite and often solitary imprisonment, calling interminable detention of prisoners “tantamount to torture.” What is hidden about the detention camp at Guantanamo should terrify us, as what we know now to be true makes us tremble in shame.

In a mounting effort to address their abusive treatment and detention without charge or trial, many of the prisoners have engaged in hunger strikes. The Department of Defense (DOD) has maintained sole control of who can enter the camps and under what conditions—including restricting legal access—and what those who do enter can hear or say about it. For this reason, the existence of such protests by prisoners has been little known. With the recent release of internal DOD memos and FBI interviews with detainees (obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union under freedom of information legislation), as well as statements from former detainees and accounts from prisoners’ counsel, it is now evident that detainees have been protesting their detention by hunger strikes and in other ways since 2002.

Using these resources, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) issued a report in September, “The Guantanamo Prisoner Hunger Strikes and Protests,” detailing the history of prisoners’ acts of protest. CCR is a New York-based, non-profit legal organization representing 40 of the prisoners. Over a year and a half has passed since the US Supreme Court, in Rasul vs. Bush (argued by CCR), decided that detainees can challenge their detention and the conditions of their imprisonment in federal court. It is evident by the increasing intensity of the hunger strikes, that prisoners’ frustrations and despair has grown as the government has stalled any legal progress.

According to the report, one or more hunger strikes occurred in early 2002 over the desecration of the Qu’ran by a military police officer (MP). For Catholics, the analogous act is mistreatment of the Eucharist. British citizen and released detainee, Rhuhel Ahmed recalled one incident, “I saw a guard walked into a detainee’s cell, searched through the Koran and dropped it on the floor. The detainee told him to pick it up and put it in its holder. I remember the guard looked at the Koran on the floor and said ‘this’ and then kicked it. Everyone started shouting and banging the doors. The guard ran out of the cell and the entire camp was on lockdown for half a day. On that day there was a hunger strike [that lasted] for three days.”

The report states, “A former interrogator at Guantanamo also confirmed the released detainees’ accounts of such hunger strike and the military’s public apology over the handling of the Qu’ran.”

Later that year, up to 194 detainees were participating in rolling hunger strikes over a two-month period to protest what military officials acknowledged as “their murky future.” Three detainees were given IV fluids forcibly. Beginning a pattern, the military downplayed the significance and gravity of the hunger strikes. In a prepared statement for the Guantanamo Joint Task Force, Marine Maj. Steve Cox asserted that “by no means is this an organized, concerted effort by the camp’s detainee population but merely a demonstration of some of the detainees’ displeasure over the uncertainty of their future.”

A June/July 2005 hunger strike was made public on July 20th by two former Afghan prisoners. According to attorneys from the DC-based law firm Sherman and Sterling, which represents forty prisoners, in addition “to starvation until death,” the protesters planned to boycott showers, recreation time, and called for “no violence, by hand or even words, to anyone, including the guards.” The military acknowledges 52 men were involved in the strike, but lawyers put the number closer to 200. While US Senators were getting summer show tours of the camp, CCR reports that close to 50 men were on IV hydration and that, overwhelmed, medics ceased regular medical visits.

The strike ended on July 28 after the prisoners were promised better access to books, bottled drinking water and a prisoner grievance committee. The committee was soon after dissolved. In a statement given to his lawyer, Binyam Mohammed, a British prisoner, said: “The administration promised that if we gave them ten days, they would bring the prison into compliance with the Geneva Conventions… It is now August 11. They have betrayed our trust (again). Hisham from Tunisia was savagely beaten in his interrogation and they publicly desecrated the Qu’ran (again). Saad from Kuwait was ERF’d (visited by the Extreme Reaction Force) for refusing to go to interrogation because the female interrogator had sexually humiliated him… Therefore, the strike must go on.”

By mid-September of this year, lawyers for the prisoners reported that as many as 210 prisoners, nearly half, were involved in a hunger strike that began in early August. At that point, the Washington Post (Sept. 13) reported that eighteen were hospitalized; thirteen were being force-fed by nasal tubes and five by IV hydration. The strike had spread throughout all five camps within the detention center. Initially, the Army responded with the claim that only 76 prisoners were on a hunger strike, then increased that number to 130 the following week. A Reuters report issued on Sept. 21 relayed that the US military’s count of hunger strikers dropped to 36 from 130 the following week; prisoners’ lawyers found that hard to believe.

The World Medical Association (WMA), of which the American Medical Association is a member, declared in 1991 that hunger strikers, mentally competent as determined by the attending physician, and informed of all medical consequences regarding long-term withdrawal from food and hydration, cannot be force-fed. The physician is morally obligated to interview the hunger striker daily and to inform the striker’s family. According to The Guardian of Sept. 9, a military spokesperson stated: “They are being held in the same standards as US prison standards… [T]hey don’t allow people to kill themselves via starvation.” A military spokesperson claimed that prisoners are monitored 24 hours a day. If that is true, the military has been aware of these life-threatening strikes and has failed to inform the families of detainees or their lawyers.

Hunger strikers are refusing to sign refusal-of-food/water waiver forms. There have been reports of prisoners pulling out their IVs and nasal tubes—and consequently restrained beyond leg shackles and handcuffs. In a statement given to his lawyer (quoted in The Guardian), Binyam Mohammed said, “I do not plan to stop until I either die or we are respected. People will definitely die. Bobby Sands petitioned the British government to stop the illegitimate internment of Irishmen without trial. He had the courage of his convictions and he starved himself to death. Nobody should believe for one moment that my brothers here have less courage.” The NY Times reported Sept. 17: “A senior military official…speaking on the condition of anonymity, described the situation as greatly troublesome for the camp’s authorities and said they had tried several ways to end the hunger strike, without success.”

The detention camp at Guantanamo is the jewel of the US military’s semantic effort to distort the truth. There had been 350 reported suicide attempts in the first year and a half of its operation. That number slowed remarkably when the US began distinguishing between what is a “suicide attempt” and what they call “manipulative, self-injurious behavior.” The military’s definition of a hunger striker is one who has refused to take at least nine consecutive meals in 72 hours, which is one reason why the lawyers’ count of hunger strikers and the military’s differ so dramatically. The term “force-feeding” has been replaced by “assisted feeding.” By narrowing definitions, potential problems no longer exist.

Clive Stafford-Smith, a British human rights lawyer, offered a statement from his client, a British refugee and Guantanamo prisoner, in an Oct. 1 article in The Nation. “I am dying a slow death in this solitary prison cell,” said his client Omar Deghayes, “I have no rights, no hope. So why not take my destiny into my own hands, and die for a principle?”

In the face of this torture and the prisoners’ desperation, the silence of US citizens, especially that of the US clergy and other moral leaders, is shocking. As people of faith, we are called to witness to the truth, and the truth is that the people held in Guantanamo Bay are being tortured by our military, and our government is trying to hide it. Do we have the strength and courage to make this end?
——

This story originally appeared in the December 2005 issue The Catholic Worker, newspaper of the New York City branch of the Catholic Worker movement, 36 East 1st St., New York, NY 10003

RESOURCES:

CCR Guantanamo Action Center
http://www.ccr-ny.org/v2/gac

CCR report, “The Guantanamo Prisoner Hunger Strikes and Protests,” Setember 2005
http://64.233.161.104/search?q=cache:9eoNDN08S3MJ:www.ccr-ny.org/v2/legal/septem
ber_11th/docs/Gitmo_Hunger_Strike_Report_Sept_2005.pdf+%22prisoner+hunger+strike
s+and+protests%22&hl=en

From our weblog:

Hunger strikers pledge to die in Gitmo
/node/1069

Pentagon admits Koran desecration
/node/524

Minors held, beaten at Gitmo?
/node/618

Gonzales may face war crimes charges in Germany
/node/167

Rasul v Bush: one year later
/node/625

———————–
Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Dec. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingWAR ON TRUTH AT GUANTANAMO 

THE POLITICS OF THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT

And the Intractable Dilemma of International ANSWER

by Bill Weinberg

The Sept. 24 anti-war protest in Washington DC was hailed as a revival of a movement which had become somewhat moribund even as the quagmire in Iraq deepens with horrifying rapidity. The march brought out 300,000, by organizers’ estimates—making it the largest since the start of the US invasion in March 2003. After a summer in which Cindy Sheehan’s campaign to demand personal accountability from the vacationing George Bush had riveted the nation, the march brought out record numbers of military veterans and grieving families—giving the movement an unassailable moral credibility.

But it is significant that this credibility arose from the rank-and-file marchers—while that very credibility may have been actually undermined by elements of the organizational leadership.

Since the prelude to the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the large, visible anti-war protests in the US—especially the marches in Washington, New York and San Francisco—have been led by two organizations, which have at times cooperated but have frequently been at odds: United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ) and International ANSWER (for Act Now to Stop War and End Racism). In the Sept. 24 march, they agreed to cooperate; they divided the stage time equally, with different speakers and different banners, although ANSWER actually held the permit.

Both UFPJ and ANSWER have been criticized by some activists as top-down and insufficiently democratic. But concerns are growing over ANSWER’s links to a doctrinaire neo-Stalinist organization called the Workers World Party (WWP), which has a history of seeking to dominate coalitions, and has some embarrassing ultra-hardline positions.

Steve Ault, a gay activist in New York City since 1970, served as UFPJ’s logistics coordinator for the historic pre-war mobilization of Feb. 15, 2003, last summer’s Republican National Convention protests and the May 1, 2005 march for nuclear disarmament. He charges that ANSWER is a front group for the WWP. Speaking as an individual—not on behalf of UFPJ—he decries what he sees as an imbalance between the two major anti-war formations: “One small sectarian group has equal power with a genuine coalition. We aren’t going to be able to have a real movement until they are called out on the carpet for it.”

Ault says he has for 20 years witnessed WWP use “stacking meetings and undemocratic tactics” to control left coalitions. “When Workers World forms a so-called coalition, its not a coalition at all, its a vehicle to attempt to amplify their power and control. Its not a genuine coalition like UFPJ which has no controlling faction—it has communists, Greens, pacifists, anarchists.”

International ANSWER formed after 9-11 around the core of the International Action Center (IAC), itself formed by the WWP after former US attorney general Ramsey Clark joined with the party’s leaders to oppose the 1991 attack on Iraq in a surprising alliance. ANSWER’s most visible spokespersons have almost invariably been longtime IAC/WWP adherents. WWP is so orthodox that it supported the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary, the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and—more recently—former Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic in his battle against war crimes charges at The Hague. And its current stance on Iraq’s armed insurgents has been a key source of tension with UFPJ and other groups in the movement.

Many in the movement are unaware of WWP’s past problematic positions. On the seventh anniversary of the Tiananmen Square events in 1996, the Workers World newspaper ran an article charging that the protesters had launched “violent attacks on the soldiers,” prompting the Chinese government to declare the movement “a counter-revolutionary rebellion.” It protested that “There was immediately a worldwide media campaign condemning China and characterizing the events as a massacre.”

In April 2002, the Workers World paper covered the celebrations of the 90th birthday of the late North Korean dictator Kim Il Sung in glorifying terms. And repeatedly, throughout the Bosnian war in the 1990s, Workers World portrayed reports of atrocities and mass rape by the Serb forces as “imperialist lies.” Ramsey Clark, the visible leader of the International Action Center, is a founder of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic, and has also provided legal representation for some accused of participating in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. He has more recently volunteered for Saddam Hussein’s legal team.

Merely providing legal representation, even for mass murders, is legitimate. But Clark has gone beyond legal work to political advocacy, and has consistently followed the Workers World party line in both. In the ’90s, he repeatedly traveled to Bosnia to meet with Serb rebel leader Radovan Karadzic, today a fugitive from war crimes charges. In September 2002, in Baghdad for meetings with high-level figures in Saddam’s regime, he was interviewed by CNN’s Wolf Blitzer about his public support for Iraq’s refusal to allow UN inspectors back in. When Blitzer noted that Saddam used chemical weapons against his own people at the 1988 attack on the Kurdish city of Halabja, Clark responded dismissively: “Wolf, that’s pretty tired, you know. People have worked that for years and years…”

Workers World itself has undergone a recent factional split, with a breakaway group apparently taking most of ANSWER with it. This has led the IAC and the faction that still calls itself Workers World to help found a new coalition, Troops Out Now! Both Troops Out Now! and ANSWER continue to take positions many activists feel uncomfortable with.

On May 1, 2005, both UFPJ and Troops Out Now! held separate marches in New York City, with Troops Out Now! rejecting UFPJ’s pro-disarmament theme. Dustin Langley, a spokesperson for Troops Out Now! and member of the IAC, told journalist Sarah Ferguson of the Village Voice: “Personally I think to talk about global disarmament misses the point of who has weapons and who they are being used against. We say Iran and North Korea have a right to get any kind of weapon they need to defend themselves against the largest military machine on the planet. Considering that Bush has listed them as two potential targets, they have as much right to nuclear weapons as any other country.”

This division was also evident during the March 2004 rally in New York commemorating the one-year anniversary of the Iraq invasion, which ANSWER and UFPJ co-organized in an uneasy alliance. As in the recent Washington rally, they divided the stage time. During ANSWER’s half of the rally, someone taped a photo to the speakers’ platform of Abdul Qadeer Khan, the Pakistani scientist who was accused of peddling nuclear materials to North Korea and Libya. No move was made to remove it.

History of Dissension

For some veteran activists, the persistent division brings back bad memories of the movement to oppose the first attack on Iraq in 1991, when WWP provoked a split by refusing to condemn Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait. This resulted in two separate national marches on Washington, just days apart—one by the WWP-led National Coalition Against US Intervention in the Middle East, the other by the Campaign for Peace in the Middle East, a coalition consisting of War Resisters League, Fellowship of Reconciliation, Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom, and other traditional peace groups.

This division even goes back to the 1960s, when the WWP-led Youth Against War & Fascism (YAWF) was posed against the more mainstream National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam.

WWP’s origins actually trace to a split in the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) over the Soviet invasion of Hungary to put down a workers’ insurrection in 1956. The Trotskyist SWP opposed the invasion; a breakaway faction around Sam Marcy supported it, arguing that the Hungarian workers were “counter-revolutionary” (the same line WWP would take on the Tiananmen Square protesters a generation later). Breaking from the SWP, the Marcy group founded Workers World, which moved in a more Stalinist direction. Marcy remained the ideological leader of the party until his death in 1998.

The recent split doesn’t seem to have been about anything substantive, but the tactical question of whether to support WWP’s presidential ticket last year or to acquiesce to the left’s “anybody but Bush” (meaning pro-Kerry) position. Behind this question seems to be a turf war between WPP cadre in New York and San Francisco, the party’s two principal power bases. The breakaway faction, based mostly in San Francisco, is calling itself the Party for Socialism and Liberation.

Brian Becker, a longtime IAC/WWP leader who is national coordinator of ANSWER, is now with the breakaway party. Troops Out Now!, which endorsed the Sept. 24 march despite the split, remains based at the International Action Center’s New York address (39 West 14th St. #206). Its visible leaders such as Larry Holmes are also longtime IAC/WWP figures.

The fundamental issue which has led to tensions with UFPJ was not a factor in the split: WWP’s refusal to countenance any criticism of the Iraqi “resistance.” Troops Out Now! comes closest to taking an open stance in support of the armed insurgents, calling in their literature for the anti-war movement to “acknowledge the absolute and unconditional right of the Iraqi people to resist the occupation of their country without passing judgement on their methods of resistance.”

This seems to ignore the reality that the armed insurgents in Iraq are increasingly blowing up civilians—not US troops. The targets of their attacks are more and more perceived ethnic and religious enemies, and in their areas of control they are enforcing harsh shariah law and radically repealing women’s basic rights.

These inconsistencies provide easy ammo for those who wish to dismiss the anti-war movement as deluded and hypocritical. For instance, they allowed the born-again interventionist Christopher Hitchens to write for Slate magazine after the Sept. 24 march a piece entitled “Anti-War, My Foot: The phony peaceniks who protested in Washington.” Hitchens decried the central position of “‘International ANSWER,’ the group run by the ‘Worker’s World’ party and fronted by Ramsey Clark, which openly supports Kim Jong-il, Fidel Castro, Slobodan Milosevic, and the ‘resistance’ in Afghanistan and Iraq, with Clark himself finding extra time to volunteer as attorney for the genocidaires in Rwanda… ‘International ANSWER’ [is] a front for (depending on the day of the week) fascism, Stalinism, and jihadism.”

Palestine: the New “Wedge Issue”

But Steve Ault argues that some controversial positions have actually been useful to ANSWER. “They come up with a wedge issue to use against the other coalition, and they scream ‘racism,'” he says. “And they do it very well.”

The question of Palestine is currently ANSWER’s principal “wedge issue.” UFPJ’s own hedging on “linkage” of the struggles in Palestine and Iraq has served ANSWER well. In the prelude to the March 2004 rally in New York, ANSWER insisted on making an end to the occupation of Palestine a central demand of the demonstration. UFPJ balked, stating that while they agreed it was important to address Palestine, the main purpose of the march was to express broad opposition to the war in Iraq. ANSWER responded by circulating a letter on-line, signed by numerous Arab and Muslim groups, charging that it was “racist” of the anti-war movement not to give the Palestinian cause equal footing.

UFPJ’s member groups have “agreed to disagree” on how to achieve peace in the Middle East, taking no stance, for instance, on a right of return for Palestinian refugees—a demand embraced by ANSWER. And unlike ANSWER, UFPJ has put out a position criticizing all attacks on civilians—whether by the Israeli military or Palestinian militants.

Some have perceived UFPJ’s “agree-to-disagree” position as an equivocation which has rendered the coalition vulnerable on this “wedge issue.” In any case, ANSWER has proved itself adept at building coalitions with Arab and Muslim groups.

Ibrahim Ramey, national disarmament coordinator for the faith-based pacifist organization Fellowship of Reconciliation, says: “ANSWER has done much more organizing in pro-Palestinian Islamic communities. Activists need to have a debate over this difficult issue: the question of Zionism, and I use the term deliberately. There is no principled discussion on it.”

Ramey recognizes the contradiction that some of the same figures now pushing the Palestine question in the movement are also sympathetic to Milosevic, who is accused of genocide against Muslims. “I don’t believe despots and mass murderers need to be lauded because they occasionally wave the banner of opposition to the United States. Milosevic was not a great hero because he happened to bombed by NATO war planes.”

And Ramey admits that IAC’s “position on Milosevic isn’t something there is a lot of awareness of in the Muslim communities where ANSWER has been successful in organizing.”

Mahdi Bray, executive director of the Muslim American Society Freedom Foundation, which works with ANSWER while not being an official member of the coalition, is aware of it, and makes no bones about his disagreement. “I don’t support that line. I think Milosevic was a genocidal butcher. But we can work with people we have disagreements with.”

Bray credits ANSWER with “forcing the debate on Palestine within the movement. That was healthy and necessary. You cannot discuss peace in the Middle East region without discussing the occupation of Palestine.” And he sees the question of which issues get prioritized as linked to the broader tendency of “a paternalistic and elitist attitude within the movement.”

“Why is it that we can mobilize thousands of people and you don’t see many African Americans?” he asks. “You’ve got myself and few others onstage, but you don’t see that many in the crowd. Is it that African Americans aren’t concerned about their sons over in Iraq? Or does it have to do with our organizing methods? Neither UFPJ or ANSWER has addressed this issue well, and it is a bigger issue than the factional splits within the movement.”

Liberal versus Radical Critique

Complicating the situation is that many of the commentators speaking out against ANSWER’s problematic role in the anti-war movement have offered a liberal rather than radical critique. In addition to the Palestine question, ANSWER has been repeatedly criticized for espousing the cause of Mumia Abu-Jamal, the journalist and former Black Panther on Death Row in Pennsylvania after an evidently wrongful conviction. In the October issue of Rolling Stone, writer Tim Dickinson quotes Paul Rieckhoff, director of the Iraq veterans group Operation Truth, which boycotted the Sept. 24 march. “When some guy gets up there and rails about Palestine, Karl Rove is kicking back in his chair, saying, ‘Please continue,'” said Rieckhoff. “It’s not about Palestine, it’s not about Mumia—it’s about one focused message: Let’s find a way to end this war. If you really want to push back against the administration, you’ve got to get your shit together. Right now they don’t.”

Similarly, Marc Cooper warned in the LA Weekly in 2002 that “the new anti-war movement would be…doomed if the shrill rhetoric of the Workers World…loonies would dominate. Fronting for Saddam Hussein (and Slobodan Milosevic) as self-appointed peace leader Ramsey Clark has and exhorting the peace protesters to defend convicted cop killers like Mumia Abu-Jamal and H. Rap Brown as Workers World does…was hardly the way to win over the millions we need to stop Bush.”

From a purely tactical standpoint, there may be some logic to de-emphasizing unpopular issues in the interests of building a broad front around a single issue (Iraq). But from a moral standpoint, attacking ANSWER’s positions on Palestine and Mumia rather than (or even in addition to) Milosevic and Tiananmen Square dangerously muddies the water. The prior two causes may be unpopular, but they are perfectly legitimate; in contrast, the Workers World positions on Bosnia and Tiananmen Square constitute defense of the indefensible.

Christopher Hitchens (who can no longer be said to be on the left) commits a similar error, in his list of foreign strongmen WWP supports: he indiscriminately lumps Fidel Castro in with the far more sinister Milosevic and Kim Jong Il.

Writer Todd Gitlin also “fumed” to Rolling Stone’s Dickinson against the inclusion of “US out of the Philippines!” among ANSWER’s demands at the Sept. 24 rally. Shortly after 9-11, the Pentagon dispatched hundreds of Special Forces troops to the Philippines to help oversee the counter-insurgency war on the Muslim-majority island of Mindanao. US forces in Mindanao have already engaged in direct combat with Islamic guerillas. Why is this not a legitimate issue?

Such rhetoric allows ANSWER to assume a lefter-than-thou high ground, and plays into the liberal-baiting strategy. Steve Ault recognizes this danger. “I work with communists, and I have no problem doing so,” he says. “My real problem with ANSWER is their process, or lack of it. Workers World gives communism a bad name. They use the charge of red-baiting to silence criticism in an unprincipled way. And much of the criticism against them comes from people arguably further to the left than they are.”

One person who might fall into this category is Mahmood Ketabchi, an exiled follower of the Worker Communist Party of Iran now living in New Jersey and active in support work for workers’ and women’s movements in Iraq. “ANSWER is part of a long tradition of supporting anyone who picks up a gun and shoots at an American soldier, regardless of their politics,” he says.

Ketabchi sees this as a paradoxical “nationalist leftist position that puts the US at the center of the world. That’s a bogus position. What is the Iraqi quote-unquote resistance fighting for? What kind of future do they envision? Do these groups defend women’s rights? Are they socialist? This is a position the left in Iran took 25 years ago, when we thought we could have a united front with Khomeini against the Shah. So the American left is 25 years behind us.”

Which Way Forward?

Even among activists who see ANSWER as problematic, there is little consensus on how to address the issue.

Joanne Sheehan, who chairs the New England office of War Resisters League in Norwich, CT, says “ANSWER does not foster grassroots activism. It is totally hierarchical, and I don’t think it empowers people. ANSWER is not the answer.”

Speaking on WWP’s controversial positions, she says, “They do what the Administration they criticize does—here are the ‘good guys’ and here are the ‘bad guys.’ They have this view left over from the Cold War that my-enemy-of-my-enemy-is-my-friend, and that’s a very narrow way of thinking.”

But she also feels the intrigues of national movement leadership have drained vital energies. “We put too much emphasis on these big demonstrations and not enough on grassroots strategy, which is where we should emphasize. After the big demo, there is always a sense of ‘now what?’ Do we just wait for the next big demo? I guess we have to have them to be visible, but there has to be a bigger strategy.”

Sheehan explicitly does not fault ANSWER for emphasizing issues such as Palestine and Mumia Abu-Jamal. “My criticism is not that they toss too many issues together. I think it is important to help people understand how the issues are connected. But we need to do that in our grassroots work—not from a podium.”

Ibrahim Ramey says that while “ANSWER is problematic in areas of both politics and organizing style for some organizations in the broad anti-war movement,” he still believes that “principled cooperation in a united front that understands its political differences is possible. That is my hope, that we can do that.” But he also stresses that this can only happen if there is “broad democratic debate, and I recognize that there are major obstacles.”

Steve Ault takes the hardest line on the question: “Everyone says unity, unity, unity. Sure, making the argument for not working with ANSWER is problematic. But I think they need to be exposed for what they are. There needs to be a full-blown discussion on this if we are going to build an effective movement.”
——

This story, in abridged form, first appeared in the December issue of The Nonviolent Activist, magazine of the War Resisters League.

RESOURCES:

United for Peace & Justice
http://www.unitedforpeace.org/

International ANSWER
http://www.internationalanswer.org/

Troops Out Now!
http://www.troopsoutnow.org/

Workers World Party
http://www.workers.org/

Party for Socialism and Liberation
http://socialismandliberation.org/

International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milosevic
http://www.icdsm.org/

“China’s Tiananmen Square: History Clarifies What Happened in 1989,” Workers World, June 20, 1989
http://www.workers.org/ww/tienanmen.html

“North Korea: Celebrations display popular unity against Bush’s threats,” Workers World, April 25, 2002
http://www.workers.org/ww/2002/korea0425.php

Ramsey Clark quoted on the Halabja massacre, WW4 REPORT #49
http://www.ww3report.com/49.html#iraq7

“Anti-War, My Foot: The phony peaceniks who protested in Washington,” by Christopher Hitchens, Slate, Sept. 26
http://slate.msn.com/id/2126913/?nav=navoa

“Give Peace a Chance: Is the anti-war movement too fractured to be effective?” by Tim Dickinson, Rolling Stone, October 2005
http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/_/id/7683877?rnd=1128836489849&has-pl
ayer=true&version=6.0.12.1059

“Our Peace Movement, Not Theirs,” by Marc Cooper, LA Weekly, Dec. 13-19, 2002
http://laweekly.com/ink/03/04/dissonance-cooper.php

“What you should know about ANSWER, the Workers World Party and the International Action Center,” an exposĂŠ from Infoshop.org
http://www.infoshop.org/texts/wwp.html

“The Mysterious Ramsey Clark: Stalinist Dupe or Ruling-Class Spook?” by Manny Goldstein, The Shadow, 2001
http://extra.shadowpress.org/sin001/clark.htm

“Bombs Away: Global Activists Gather in New York to Revive Nuclear Disarmament Call,” by Sarah Ferguson, WW4 REPORT, May 2005
/node/458
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Special to WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Dec. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingTHE POLITICS OF THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT 

CENTRAL AMERICA: HURRICANE HITS; CAFTA ADVANCES

from Weekly News Update on the Americas


DEADLY HURRICANE HITS

More than a thousand people are feared dead in flooding and mudslides in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and the southeastern Mexican state of Chiapas as a result of Hurricane Stan, which hit the region on Oct. 4. Heavy rains continued in some areas at least until Oct. 8. The worst destruction was in western Guatemala, where at least 652 people were reported dead and 384 missing as of Oct. 10; whole indigenous communities were buried by mudslides in Solola and San Marcos departments. Another 133 people died in Mexico and the rest of Central America. Observers attributed much of the devastation to deforestation, and noted that poverty forces poor campesinos to live in vulnerable areas.

Panabaj, a community on the outskirts of Santiago Atitlan in Solola, was buried by a mud flow a half-mile wide and up to 20 feet thick. On Oct. 9 residents blocked troops who came to help dig out victims. “The people don’t want soldiers to come in here. They won’t accept it,” Panabaj mayor Diego Esquina told Associated Press. Esquina said there are still vivid memories of a 1990 army massacre of 13 residents. About 160 bodies were recovered in Panabaj and nearby towns, and most were buried in mass graves. Further west in Tacana, near the border with Mexico, rescue workers recovered more than 130 bodies on Oct. 9; a mudslide had buried a shelter where people had taken refuge from the flooding. (New York Times, Oct. 9; El Diario-La Prensa, Oct. 5 from EFE, Oct. 9 from unidentified wire services; Miami Herald, Oct. 11 from AP]

The effects of Hurricane Stan dominated much of the discussion at an Oct. 12-13 meeting US defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld held in Key Biscayne, Florida, with seven defense ministers from Central America and the Caribbean. Guatemalan defense minister Gen. Carlos Humberto Aldana Villanueva pushed for increased coordination among regional militaries to deal with emergencies. “We have to prepare a bit more for the future, now that disasters seem to be coming every day,” he said. “State responses are sometimes limited.” But Rumsfeld promoted trade pacts like the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) to solve regional programs, focusing on military cooperation as a way to deal with people “who want to obstruct the path to social and economic progress, to return Central America to darker times of instability and chaos. No one nation can deal with those kinds of cross-border threats.” (Miami Herald, Oct. 13)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 16

NICARAGUA: DR-CAFTA PASSES

After more than five hours of debate, on Oct. 10 Nicaragua’s National Assembly voted 49-37 to ratify the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA), which brings Central America and the Dominican Republic into a trade zone with the US. The accord, which is scheduled to go into effect on Jan. 1, had already been approved by the legislatures of the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and the US. Of the seven signatories to the agreement, only Costa Rica has not completed the approval process.

All but one of the 38 deputies of the leftist Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) voted against DR-CAFTA; according to the FSLN general secretary, former Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega Saavedra (1984-1990), the other deputy, Bayardo Arce, was out of the country at the time of the vote. National Assembly president Rene Nunez, an FSLN deputy, had previously blocked the accord from coming to a vote. But on Oct. 8 Ortega announced that the FSLN would no longer use its positions in the National Assembly leadership to keep the accord off the legislative agenda.

Also on Oct. 10, the same day DR-CAFTA was passed, Ortega made an agreement with right-wing Nicaraguan president Enrique Bolanos, following seven hours of negotiations in the presence of Argentine diplomat Dante Caputo, a special envoy from the Organization of American States (OAS). (Caputo was the United Nations’ special envoy to Haiti at the end of the 1991-1994 period of military rule.)

The FSLN agreed to break off its pact with Bolanos’ former party, the right-wing Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC), which is dominated by former president Arnoldo Aleman Lacayo (1997-2002). Under the FSLN-PLC pact, the two parties had used their majority in the National Assembly to push through constitutional reforms in 2004 severely limiting the president’s powers. In September of this year, the FSLN and PLC deputies stripped six members of the Bolanos cabinet of immunity from criminal prosecution and seemed set to impeach Bolanos himself. In the Oct. 10 meeting, Ortega agreed to postpone implementation of the reforms until January 2007, when Bolanos leaves office; apparently plans to impeach Bolanos have been dropped. Ortega is expected to run as the FSLN’s presidential candidate in 2006, following unsuccessful runs in 1990, 1996 and 2001.

In an Oct. 11 press conference, Ortega denied that the FSLN’s new stance was connected to the Oct. 4-5 visit of US deputy secretary of state Robert Zoellick, who had threatened to cut off US aid and trade if the PLC continued to bloc with the FSLN. This led to speculation that the PLC was about to pull out of the pact. Ortega insisted he and Bolanos started their discussions on Sept. 11, long before Zoellick’s visit. (El Nuevo Diario, Managua, Oct. 11, 12 from ACAN-EFE,Oct. 13, 14; La Prensa, Managua, Oct. 11, 12, 14; Nicaragua News Service Vol. 13, #38, Oct. 3-10; FSLN communique, Oct. 11; BBC News, Oct. 11)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 16

U.S. THREATENS NICARAGUA

In a visit to Nicaragua Oct. 4-5, US deputy secretary of state and former trade representative Robert Zoellick warned business sectors and the rightwing PLC against continued collaboration with the leftist FSLN and against efforts to impeach President Bolanos. Bolanos “is democratically elected, and for those who think they can remove him, my message is there will be consequences in terms of their relations with the US,” Zoellick said.

Zoellick warned that the US could block a $4 billion debt forgiveness plan and withhold a planned $175 million aid package. In an Oct. 5 meeting, he told business leaders they would lose business with the US if they backed the FSLN or the PLC. “Your opportunities will be lost,” he said. On Oct. 4, as he began his trip, the US State Department announced it was revoking the US visas of chief prosecutor Julio Centeno, a PLC backer, and two of the children of former president Aleman (1997-2002), who heads the PLC.

The US government is said to be worried that despite his current low standing in the polls, Ortega may regain the presidency in November 2006 and ally Nicaragua with Cuba and Venezuela. Zoellick made a point of meeting with presidential candidate Herty Lewites, Managua’s former mayor, who was expelled from the FSLN for seeking the party’s presidential nomination. Zoellick said the meeting was a clear sign Washington “could work with” Lewites.

“As Nicaraguans, as Central Americans and sons of Latin America, we protest to the world about the US government’s unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of our country,” the PLC said in a statement. But the New York Times reported that Carlos Noguera and other “senior members” of the PLC were backing away from the agreement with the FSLN. Aleman and the PLC were strong allies of the US during Aleman’s term; Bolanos was Aleman’s vice president and remained an ally until after his own inauguration. (New York Times, Oct. 5, 6; Boston Globe, Oct. 6 from Reuters; The Guardian, UK, Oct. 6)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 9

MANAGUA: NEW TRANSPORT STRIKE

A strike by bus owners’ cooperatives shut down most of the public transportation in Managua Sept. 19-21 as Nicaragua continued to confront problems from rising petroleum prices. Rafael Quinto, president of Managua’s Regional Union of Collective Transportation Cooperatives (URECOOTRACO), announced on Sept. 17 that bus owners would begin an open-ended strike on Sept. 19 because of the local and national governments’ inability to provide 30 million cordobas ($1.8 million) in subsidies to allow the owners to cover higher fuel prices without raising fares. Managua’s bus owners, who generally drive their own buses, were demanding $4.8 million in subsidies for the rest of the year.

The national government of President Bolanos and the Managua government, headed by Dionisio Marenco of the FSLN, originally agreed to the subsidies to end three weeks of militant protests in April. Initially intended for May through July, the subsidies were extended in July for another three months when the owners threatened more protests. But the governments failed to carry out the agreement, according to Quinto. When the bus owners started an unauthorized fare hike, Mayor Marenco threatened to suspend their licenses and start a municipal company to compete with the 38 cooperatives.

Violence broke out on Sept. 21, the third day of the strike. At various points in the city, bus owners began attacking “pirate vans” that had been transporting people during the strike. Meanwhile, the bus drivers attacked police agents with rocks when the agents tried to confine their protest to a small area outside one of the main public transportation cooperative buildings, in the northeastern sector of the city. Six to eight agents were injured, and some 63 people were arrested. The French wire service Agence France Presse reported that the drivers also used clubs and homemade mortars (which are like firecrackers but can be deadly).

The owners called off the strike on Sept. 21 after Public Finance Minister Mario Arana promised to provide $1.8 million to the bus drivers within the coming days. (Nicaragua News Service V. 13, #36, Sept. 2026; El Diario-La Prensa, NY, Sept. 19, 22)

On Sept. 20, in the midst of the transit strike, Marenco announced an agreement on petroleum between the Nicaraguan Association of Municipal Governments (AMUNIC) and Petroleos de Venezuela, SA (PDVSA), Venezuela’s state-owned oil monopoly. As part of an initiative by the left-populist government of Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez Frias to aid regional governments, PDVSA will be supplying petroleum to Nicaragua’s municipalities, starting with Managua, at 40% less than the international prices. Through an agreement with the Nicaraguan Petroleum Company (PETRONIC), AMUNIC will distribute the cheaper fuel only to drivers of taxis and buses for the first year; the project could be expanded later to include other vehicles such as small business vehicles. Marenco was unable to say when the Venezuelan oil will start to arrive. (NNS, Sept. 20-26)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 3

COSTA RICA: DR-CAFTA ADVANCES

On Oct. 21 Costa Rican president Abel Pacheco sent DR-CAFTA to the Legislative Assembly for debate and an eventual vote on ratification. The accord has already been approved by the other partners. Costa Rica’s trade representative signed it in May 2004, but Pacheco refused until now to send it on to the 57-member legislature for approval, saying he wanted a fiscal reform proposal passed first.

Ratification seems certain. Only the Citizen Action (AC) party openly opposes DR-CAFTA, and it lacks the votes to block approval. The vote isn’t expected to come up before Jan. 1, when the treaty takes affect in the other DR-CAFTA countries, Pacheco acknowledged. Legislative Assembly President Gerardo Gonzalez said he thought the debate would start before Feb. 15, and Foreign Trade Minister Manuel Gonzalez expressed certainty that the ratification would come before Pacheco’s term ends in May.

Pacheco said the legislative deputies were already analyzing a “complementary agenda” to mitigate negative effects on some sectors, and he indicated that the vote on the treaty would come after approval of a law strengthening the Electricity Institute (ICE), the state agency that controls energy and telecommunications, areas that DR-CAFTA will open up to private competition.

Labor and grassroots groups were not satisfied with these measures. “The red alert remains activated,” the Association of Public and Private Employees (ANEP), the country’s largest union, said in a press release, while the National Civic Committee threatened on Oct. 21 to begin strike actions as early as November. The committee’s Jorge Coronado called for a “national day against the DR-CAFTA” in November, with marches and an open-ended general strike. Students from the University of Costa Rica (UCR) and the National University (UNA) have already planned two protests. On Nov. 1 UCR students are to march on the Legislative Assembly, while on Nov. 2 UNA students plan to march in Heredia province, 15 km north of San Jose. (El Nuevo Herald, Miami, Oct. 22 from AP; La Nacion, Costa Rica, Oct. 22)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 30

HONDURAS: CAMPESINOS ON HUNGER STRIKE

A group of 16 campesinos from the Honduran department of Colon began a hunger strike in front of the National Congress in Tegucigalpa on Oct. 17. The campesinos are demanding the return of 25,000 hectares of land in the Bajo Aguan area which they say was illegally taken from them by a Honduran business owner with the last name Facusse and a Nicaraguan identified as Rene Morales; they say the two men bribed local officials to get legal title to the properties. The business owners claim the land had been abandoned, but protesters insist it had been actively worked by cooperatives for over 30 years. The strikers, members of the Unified Campesino Movement of the Aguan (MUCA), say they will continue their protest until the government addresses their demands. MUCA represents some 15,000 families from Tocoa, Saba, Limon, Trujillo, Bonito Oriental and other areas of the Aguan valley in Colon department. (Hondudiario, Oct. 17 via Honduras News in Review Update, Oct. 22; Adital, Brazil, Oct. 17)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

HONDURAN WORKERS OCCUPY MINE

On Oct. 26 some 200 workers took over the San Martin open-pit gold mine operated by Entre Mares Honduras, S.A. in San Ignacio in the Honduran department of Franciso Morazan. As of Oct. 27 they were still occupying the mine to push demands for the company to recognize their union, which has been active for two months; provide medical benefits to the workers and their families; and stop the planned layoff of 27 workers from the crushing department.

“We’ll be here until the company takes care of our demands,” union president Daniel Martinez told the Associated Press wire service. “Entre Mares is violating our rights, which we are defending today.”

Entre Mares has 300 employees at the plant, which it has been operating for about five years. Local residents have staged protests, accusing the company of degrading the environment and affecting the sources of their drinking water. The Tegucigalpa archbishop, Cardinal Oscar Andres Rodriguez, headed a protest by some 5,000 residents on July 4, 2001. The company is a subsidiary of Glamis Gold Ltd, based in Reno, Nevada and Vancouver, British Columbia. (AP, Oct. 28) Glamis’ Marlin mine in Guatemala has also been the target of protests.

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 30

EL SALVADOR: PRISONERS ON HUNGER STRIKE

More than 2,000 Salvadoran prisoners, most of them accused of being gang members, began a simultaneous hunger strike on Sept. 27 at jails in Chalatenango, Cojutepeque and Ciudad Barrios, a maximum security prison in Zacatecoluca and a juvenile detention center in Tonacatepeque. The hunger strikers were demanding improved conditions and treatment, respect for their rights, medical care, and the firing of the prison directors. They are also demanding that the original visitation system be brought back instead of a new system of staggered visits.

Another 2,800 prisoners at the Mariona prison in San Salvador have been protesting since Sept. 4, preventing garbage from being removed from the prison and refusing orders to attend court hearings. The Mariona prisoners are demanding respect for their rights, dismissal of the prison authorities and repairs to the facility. El Salvador has a prison population of 12,000, housed in jails with a capacity for 7,000. (La Opinion, Los Angeles. Sept. 29, Oct. 6; Hoy, NY, Sept. 29 from AP; EFE Sept. 30)

The last of the hunger strikes apparently ended on Oct. 5 after prison authorities beat and threatened the participants and doused them with buckets of water. Authorities also prevented reporters and human rights representatives from entering the jails to interview the hunger strikers.

The hunger strikers included many prisoners who were deported to El Salvador after living for years in the US. On Oct. 5, family members of jailed Salvadoran deportees joined members of Homies Unidos, an organization of former gang members, in a demonstration in front of the Salvadoran consulate in Los Angeles, California, to protest prison conditions in El Salvador and the treatment of the hunger strikers. (LO, Oct. 6)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 9

SALVADORAN HURRICANE VICTIMS PROTEST

Dozens of residents of various communities in the central Salvadoran departments of Cuscatlan and San Salvador blocked the Pan-American highway at the Cojutepeque exit on Oct. 27, halting hundreds of vehicles for two hours. The protesters were among the many who suffered losses when Hurricane Stan hit El Salvador at the beginning of October, causing 69 deaths and some $200 million in damages. Mauricio Martinez, a spokesperson for the residents, told reporters: “[W]e’re demonstrating, in the first place, to let public opinion know the feeling and the suffering we’ve had after Hurricane Stan.” He asked for the government “to pay attention to us, to give the population the international aid and not to play politics with aid.” The area needs housing for 800 families, he said.

Hundreds of residents of the eastern departments of Usulutan and San Miguel, another area affected by Stan, protested in San Salvador, also on Oct. 27. “We’re tired of the government’s abandonment of us and its indifference to the problems of the communities of Rio Grande de San Miguel and of Bajo Lempa,” said Mercedes de Jesus Reyes, who lives in Santa Rosa community, in Puerto Parada. “That’s why we’ve come to ask [Governance Minister] Rene Figueroa to resign.” The protesters marched to the Governance Minister, where they denounced Figueroa as “inept and corrupt.”

The protesters proceeded to the Legislative Assembly to demand that the legislative deputies intervene to get aid to the victims; carry out a serious investigation of the country’s vulnerabilities; reconsider the Disaster Prevention Law proposed by environmental groups; start the construction of dikes to prevent flooding; forgive agrarian debt and provide compensation to farmers for the loss of crops. Only deputies from the leftist Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation (FMLN) met with the protesters. (Terra, El Salvador, Oct. 28; Diario Co Latino, El Salvador, Oct. 27, 28)

Residents had attempted a march on the Presidential Residence the weekend of Oct. 22, but anti-riot police harassed the protesters and attempted to disperse them. They also blocked a group of university students who had tried to join the march; the police violently detained 16 students. Aristides Arevalo, director of the Bajo Lempa Coordinating Committee, criticized the “authoritarian measures of the regime of [President Antonio] Saca, which is scared of popular protest. We demand the release of the captured students and the distribution of the aid to the poor communities of our country.” (Adital, Brazil, Oct. 24)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 30

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #114
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1149

See also “Gold Mine in Guatemala Faces Indigenous Resistance,” WW4 REPORT #114
/node/1142

Continue ReadingCENTRAL AMERICA: HURRICANE HITS; CAFTA ADVANCES 

ARGENTINA: CAMPESINOS ATTACKED, OIL WORKERS WIN

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

PATAGONIA, EL CHACO: CAMPESINOS UNDER ATTACK

On Sept. 15, police agents in the southern Argentine province of Chubut nearly beat to death campesino Simforoso Jaramillo, according to the Front of Mapuche and Campesino Struggle. The agents left Jaramillo with a fractured skull, broken rib, broken left arm, facial disfigurement and bruised back. He was taken to the Comodoro Rivadavia hospital where he underwent surgery and remains in a coma. (Adital, Sept. 20)

On Sept. 21, nine police agents arrived with a court official to evict the Guacuru indigenous community from their homes in the Juan F. Ibarra department of Santiago del Estero province in northern Argentina. The court official showed an eviction order referring to 595 hectares, but residents say police were unclear about which lands were supposed to be included and were just trying to evict everyone. The agents, from the 29th precinct in Quimili, were accompanied by Ruben Oscar Gauna, who claimed to have won the land in an auction. Gauna had been involved in a previous eviction attempt against the same community. The Campesino Movement of Santiago del Estero (MOCASE) reports that when local residents arrived to express solidarity with the families facing eviction, police left but threatened to come back with “reinforcements.” (Resumen Latinoamericano/Diario de Urgencia #635, Sept. 23, from Pulsar/Prensa de Frente, Argentina), Sept. 22)

ENTRE RIOS: PULP MILLS PROTESTED

Between 15,000 and 20,000 people marched on Sept. 28 in the Argentine city of Gualeguaychu, in the eastern Argentine province of Entre Rios, to protest the planned construction of two cellulose pulp plants in Fray Bentos, across the Uruguay river in the Uruguayan department of Rio Negro. The protesters fear the pulp plants will cause irreparable ecological damage to the surrounding region and threaten tourism and agriculture. The march–which ended with a rally on the banks of the Gualeguaychu river, a major tributary of the Uruguay–was organized by the Citizen Assembly of Gualeguaychu and supported by the municipal government. Participants included thousands of primary and secondary school students, as well as public employees organized in the Association of State Workers (ATE). (Resumen Latinoamericano/Diario de Urgencia #637, Sept. 28, from Pulsar; Agencia Periodistica Federal-APF, Sept. 29; Periodismo.com, Sept. 28)

It was the latest of a series of protests and highway blockades against the pulp mills over recent months. Last April 30, some 40,000 Argentines and Uruguayans converged to block traffic across the General San Martin international bridge linking Gualeguaychu to Fray Bentos over the Uruguay river. (Uruguay Indymedia, May 1, 2005)

On Sept. 19, Entre Rios governor Jorge Busti filed a petition with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in Washington, charging the Uruguayan government with allowing construction of the paper mills to proceed without first conducting an environmental impact study. The governments of Argentina and Uruguay, which jointly administer the river, have set up a bilateral commission to do such an impact study within six months. But according to Busti, “People are getting very nervous because they see the companies keep on building at a very fast rate.” On Sept. 16, Busti filed a complaint against the projects with World Bank ombudsperson Meg Taylor, who promptly ordered an investigation to be carried out Oct. 10-14, freezing financing for the paper mills in the meantime.

The Metsa-Botnia company of Finland–Europe’s second-largest pulp producer–and the Spanish company Ence are investing a combined $1.7 billion in the plants; Metsa-Botnia is hoping to begin producing one million tons of wood pulp annually for export starting in 2007, while Ence plans to start production in 2008 and export 500,000 tons a year. Center-left Argentine president Nestor Kirchner has been vocal in supporting efforts to block the mills, while leftist Uruguayan president Tabare Vazquez, who took office in March, has pledged to push forward with the pulp projects. (Reuters, Sept. 1; Inter Press Service, Sept. 29; Infobae, Sept. 20; EFE, Sept. 26)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 2

OIL WORKERS WIN STRIKE

On Oct. 7, more than 800 striking oil workers seized control of the Termap oil plant in the southern Argentine province of Chubut. Chubut’s 2,000 oil workers were in the 11th day of a strike, demanding wages on a par with oil workers in northern Argentina. In an Oct. 5 assembly in Comodoro Rivadavia, the workers decided to maintain a blockade of Routes 3 and 26 and an occupation of area oil wells, rejecting a plea from the government and their union’s leadership for a pause in the protests. The strikers had the support of activists from other local labor and social organizations, including the Federation of Combative Workers, the television workers union, the Anibal Veron Unemployed Workers Committee, the Communist Party and university student associations. (Prensa de Frente, Argentina, Oct. 5; Ambito Financiero, Oct. 14; La Opinion Austral, Rio Gallegos, Argentina, Oct. 13 from Telam)

On Oct. 8, some 1,000 residents of Comodoro Rivadavia held a spontaneous cacerolazo (a noisy protest where people bang on pots and pans) in support of the strikers. Another cacerolazo followed on Oct. 9, and on the morning of Oct. 11 the city’s businesses shuttered their doors and thousands of people poured into the streets to support the oil workers’ demands. The march was joined by teachers, who were beginning an open-ended strike that same day to demand their own wage increase. (Argenpress, Oct. 14)

Later on Oct. 11, the oil and gas companies signed an agreement with the union, Private Gas and Oil Workers of Chubut, to increase pay by an additional 260 pesos a month retroactive to last January, putting the southern workers on a par with those in the north. The Chubut workers will be paid for the 15 days they spent on strike and will not be penalized for participating in the protests. The governor of Chubut served as guarantor of the accord. (LOA, Oct. 13 from Telam; Argenpress, Oct. 14)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 16

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #113
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1030

——————-

Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingARGENTINA: CAMPESINOS ATTACKED, OIL WORKERS WIN 

BOLIVIA: MORE PROTESTS OVER GAS TAX

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

On Sept. 29, at least 5,000 Bolivian teachers staged a national strike and marched in La Paz to protest what they call a “virtual privatization” of education in Bolivia: the handing over of public school administration–with all its costs–to the country’s municipalities. The education system change was part of an accord negotiated with Bolivian municipalities on the use of proceeds from a new 32% gas tax, the Direct Tax on Hydrocarbons (IDH), which is expected to bring $417 million into government coffers in 2005. Under a hydrocarbons law passed last May by Congress, the municipal governments of Bolivia’s 10 main cities will each receive about $26 million from the IDH. Following tense negotiations in early September, an agreement was reached to assign the funds, but only on the condition that the municipalities take over the cost and administration of public education in their areas. (Diario El Popular, Canada, Sept. 30)

In an agreement signed in La Paz on Sept. 28 between the Bolivian government and three indigenous organizations–the Indigenous Confederation of the Bolivian East (CIDOB), National Council of Qullasuyo Communities (Conamaq) and Assembly of the Guarani People (APG)–$23 million a year from the IDH will go into an Indigenous Development Fund, to be administered jointly by the government and indigenous representatives. (El Deber, Santa Cruz, Sept. 29) The agreement ended several weeks of road blockades and other protests by indigenous communities throughout Bolivia. More than 400 police and military troops attacked a group of Guarani men, women, children and elders on Sept. 18, the 10th day of their roadblock on the Santa Cruz-Camiri highway in Tatarenda Viejo, Santa Cruz department. (Communique, Sept. 18)

On Sept. 29, police used large quantities of tear gas to disperse demonstrators from outside the US embassy in La Paz. The protesters were demanding that the US government extradite Bolivian ex-president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada to face genocide charges in Bolivia for the October 2003 massacre of 67 protesters in La Paz and neighboring El Alto. The Sept. 29 demonstration was organized by the Bolivian Permanent Assembly for Human Rights (APDHB) to kick off a series of events commemorating the massacre and the October 2003 protests which forced Sanchez de Lozada from office. (AFP, Sept. 29; Europa Press via Yahoo! Argentina Noticias, Sept. 29)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 3


EX-REBEL RE-ARRESTED

On Oct. 17, Bolivian police arrested Aida Elizabeth Ochoa Mamani, a Peruvian member of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) who was previously jailed in Bolivia for the November 1995 kidnapping of businessperson and current Bolivian presidential candidate Samuel Doria Medina. La Paz district prosecutor Jorge Gutierrez said Ochoa was arrested in a vehicle with explosives; the Peruvian press claimed she was trying to take the explosives to Peru to reactivate the MRTA. Ochoa denied the charges and called her arrest a “setup.” Ochoa was paroled in January 2001 from the Miraflores prison in La Paz; she served more than four years of an eight-year sentence for criminal association, “ideological falseness” and “use of a falsified instrument” in connection with the 1995 kidnapping. (El Diario-La Prensa, NY, Oct. 20 from AFP, EFE; AFP, Oct. 19)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #113
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1029

——————-

Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingBOLIVIA: MORE PROTESTS OVER GAS TAX 

BOLIVIA: MORE PROTESTS OVER GAS TAX

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

On Sept. 29, at least 5,000 Bolivian teachers staged a national strike and marched in La Paz to protest what they call a “virtual privatization” of education in Bolivia: the handing over of public school administration–with all its costs–to the country’s municipalities. The education system change was part of an accord negotiated with Bolivian municipalities on the use of proceeds from a new 32% gas tax, the Direct Tax on Hydrocarbons (IDH), which is expected to bring $417 million into government coffers in 2005. Under a hydrocarbons law passed last May by Congress, the municipal governments of Bolivia’s 10 main cities will each receive about $26 million from the IDH. Following tense negotiations in early September, an agreement was reached to assign the funds, but only on the condition that the municipalities take over the cost and administration of public education in their areas. (Diario El Popular, Canada, Sept. 30)

In an agreement signed in La Paz on Sept. 28 between the Bolivian government and three indigenous organizations–the Indigenous Confederation of the Bolivian East (CIDOB), National Council of Qullasuyo Communities (Conamaq) and Assembly of the Guarani People (APG)–$23 million a year from the IDH will go into an Indigenous Development Fund, to be administered jointly by the government and indigenous representatives. (El Deber, Santa Cruz, Sept. 29) The agreement ended several weeks of road blockades and other protests by indigenous communities throughout Bolivia. More than 400 police and military troops attacked a group of Guarani men, women, children and elders on Sept. 18, the 10th day of their roadblock on the Santa Cruz-Camiri highway in Tatarenda Viejo, Santa Cruz department. (Communique, Sept. 18)

On Sept. 29, police used large quantities of tear gas to disperse demonstrators from outside the US embassy in La Paz. The protesters were demanding that the US government extradite Bolivian ex-president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada to face genocide charges in Bolivia for the October 2003 massacre of 67 protesters in La Paz and neighboring El Alto. The Sept. 29 demonstration was organized by the Bolivian Permanent Assembly for Human Rights (APDHB) to kick off a series of events commemorating the massacre and the October 2003 protests which forced Sanchez de Lozada from office. (AFP, Sept. 29; Europa Press via Yahoo! Argentina Noticias, Sept. 29)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 3


EX-REBEL REARRESTED

On Oct. 17, Bolivian police arrested Aida Elizabeth Ochoa Mamani, a Peruvian member of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) who was previously jailed in Bolivia for the November 1995 kidnapping of businessperson and current Bolivian presidential candidate Samuel Doria Medina. La Paz district prosecutor Jorge Gutierrez said Ochoa was arrested in a vehicle with explosives; the Peruvian press claimed she was trying to take the explosives to Peru to reactivate the MRTA. Ochoa denied the charges and called her arrest a “setup.” Ochoa was paroled in January 2001 from the Miraflores prison in La Paz; she served more than four years of an eight-year sentence for criminal association, “ideological falseness” and “use of a falsified instrument” in connection with the 1995 kidnapping. (El Diario-La Prensa, NY, Oct. 20 from AFP, EFE; AFP, Oct. 19)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #113
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1029

——————-

Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingBOLIVIA: MORE PROTESTS OVER GAS TAX 

VENEZUELA: PARAMILITARIES ATTACK INDIGENOUS

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

ZULIA: INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY ATTACKED

On Sept. 15, a group of 15 heavily armed men in olive green military uniforms arrived in two pickup trucks at the Yukpa and Wayuu indigenous campesino community of Guaicaipuro in the El Tokuko sector of Machiques de Perija municipality in Venezuela’s Zulia state. The men entered the residents’ homes and beat a number of residents before setting everything on fire. Residents say they saw Noe Machado, former owner of the Ceilan estate on which the Guaicaipuro community settled, arrive in another pickup truck with the gasoline used to set the fires. Several community members were injured, and the attackers burned down 38 houses, leaving 376 people without homes. Furniture, livestock and other belongings were also burned and destroyed.

A week earlier, Sept. 8, some 30 armed indivivduals–mostly Wayuu indigenous people who were not from the area–had beaten and threatened the residents of Guaicaipuro. The attackers arrived in a truck and several motorcycles and told residents, in the Wuyuunaiki language, that they were there on Machado’s orders, and that they would pay the community’s residents to leave, but if the residents didn’t accept the offer, the next time they would come to kill them.

A commission from the national attorney general’s office visited the community on Sept. 17 to investigate the incident, take photographs and record witness testimony. The commission members asked residents about professor Lusbi Portillo–who was not at the scene during the attacks and whose name had not been mentioned by any of the community members–and asked them why they had occupied the Ceilan estate. Yukpa chief Ezequiel Anane responded, “No one told us to occupy, we are here because these were the lands of our grandparents.”

Following the commission’s visit, army and national guard troops were dispatched to protect the community. However, on Sept. 20 the troops were suddenly withdrawn, and rumors began circulating that the landowners were plotting a definitive attack. (Agencia Nacional del Pueblo-ANPA, Oct. 20 via Colombia Indymedia)

Portillo, an activist with Homo et Natura, told the Maracaibo weekly Sol de Occidente that violence against indigenous communities has increased in Zulia since the government announced it will not compensate landowners for lands occupied by indigenous groups with ancestral claims to those territories. Portillo said a Chaktapa indigenous community had been evicted from the Tizina estate, and a similar incident occurred on the Puerto Libre estate. Zulia state governor Manuel Rosales–one of only two state governors opposed to left-populist President Hugo Chavez Frias–has promised to create a commission to deal with land reform, but the commission has yet to be created. Five years ago indigenous people from the Wayuu, Bari, Japreria and Yupka ethnic groups began occupying lands in their ancestral territory in the Sierra de Perija mountains near the Venezuelan border. (Prensa Latina, Oct. 23)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

INDIGENOUS GET LAND; MISSIONARIES EXPELLED

In Venezuela, the government of President Hugo Chavez marked Oct. 12–which it has officially declared a “Day of Indigenous Resistance”–by handing out 15 collective property titles to indigenous communities in the states of Apure, Delta Amacuro, Sucre and Anzoategui. The ceremony took place in the community of Barranco Yopal, in Apure. (Resumen Latinoamericano “Diarios de Urgencia,” Oct. 13 from Prensa Presidencial)

The same day, Chavez announced his government was expelling the Florida-based New Tribes Mission from Venezuela’s indigenous territories. The New Tribes Mission, founded in 1942, specializes in evangelism among indigenous groups and has 3,200 workers worldwide in 17 nations. Its 160 members in Venezuela include Canadian, British and US citizens, as well as about 30 Venezuelans. “This is real imperialist penetration,” Chavez said of the group. “They are taking sensitive and strategic information.” (New York Times, Oct. 13 from Reuters; AP, Oct. 15)

The New Tribes Mission has often been accused of links to the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The organization closed down its operations in neighboring Colombia after two of its US missionaries were kidnapped in January 1994 by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC); their bodies were found in June 1995.

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct. 16

CARACAS: CAMPESINOS MARCH

On Oct. 8, thousands of Venezuelan campesinos marched in the capital, Caracas, against the latifundio–the system of large landed estates held by a few wealthy families–and in support of the government’s agrarian reform efforts. The march was organized and supported by the left-populist government of President Hugo Chavez Frias and various campesino organizations, including the Venezuelan Campesino Federation and the Ezequiel Zamora National Campesino Front (FNCEZ). Also participating was the Homeless Committee, which pledged to bring the promise of rural agrarian reform to the cities, “the concrete latifundio.”

The march was timed to coincide with the commemoration of the execution of Argentine-Cuban leftist guerrilla hero Ernesto “Che” Guevara, killed in Bolivia in 1967. Associated Press said 4,000 people took part in the march, though the actual crowd count was likely much higher; the organizers had predicted more than 40,000 would attend. (Agencia Prensa Rural, Oct. 8; Adital, Oct. 5; AP, Oct. 9)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 9

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #114
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1146

See also our special report on the militarization of Venezuela’s indigenous lands
/colombiavenezuelabigoil

See also our last blog post on Venezuela:
/node/1200

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingVENEZUELA: PARAMILITARIES ATTACK INDIGENOUS 

COLOMBIA: INDIGENOUS MOBILIZE—DESPITE STATE TERROR

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

INDIGENOUS HOLD NATIONWIDE “MINGA,” TWO DIE

On Oct. 10, tens of thousands of Colombian indigenous people began marching to various regional capitals in a coordinated Minga (community mobilization) to demand indigenous rights, protest the government’s economic and social policies–especially a planned “free trade treaty” (TLC) with the US, Peru and Ecuador–and protest President Alvaro Uribe Velez’s attempts to lift a ban on presidential reelection. The Minga–initiated by the Embera people but with the active participation and support of indigenous groups throughout Colombia–was organized to culminate on Oct. 12 in coordination with a national general strike called by labor unions, campesinos, students, leftist activists and others. Oct. 12 was chosen because it marks the arrival in the Americas of a group of European “explorers” headed by Christopher Columbus; for indigenous people, the day commemorates their centuries of resistance against the European invasion.

The government responded to the Minga on Oct. 9 by banning the peaceful marches, justifying the move by claiming that the indigenous mobilization was infiltrated by leftist rebels. On Oct. 10, police used tear gas and clubs against a group of indigenous marchers who were on their way from Santa Rosa de Cabal to Manizales, capital of Caldas department. Despite the attack, some 10,000 marchers reached Manizales on Oct. 11.

Also on Oct. 10, agents of the notoriously brutal Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (ESMAD) of the National Police attacked some 6,000 Embera Chami marchers in Remolino, in the central department of Risaralda. The marchers were on their way from Belen de Umbria to Pereira, the departmental capital. Marcos Soto, a member of the Chami community of Caramba, died, and at least 10 other marchers were wounded. (Adital, Brazil, Oct. 11, 13; Organizacion Indigena de Antioquia-OAI, Oct. 10; La Patria, Oct. 13 via Colombia Indymedia)

On Oct. 11, hired killers shot to death Guambiano leader Francisco Cuchillo, governor of the Canon Rio Guavas indigenous reserve in Ginebra municipality, Valle del Cauca department, as he was preparing to lead his community’s participation in the Minga. (La Jornada, Mexico, Oct. 13 from AFP, DPA; Fundacion Hemera, Actualidad Etnica, Oct. 15 via Colombia Indymedia; Consejo Regional Indigena de Risaralda-CRIR/Consejo Regional Indigena de Caldas-CRIDEC, Oct. 12 via Colombia Indymedia)

In addition to the indigenous Mingas in Pereira and Manizales in the central coffee-growing zone, more than 7,000 Zenu indigenous people from the San Andres de Sotavento reserve and other areas of the northeastern departments of Sucre and Cordoba gathered in Sampues for a 10-kilometer march into Sincelejo, capital of Sucre. (La Jornada, Mexico, Oct. 13 from AFP, DPA; Cabildos Mayores Zenu de Sucre y Cordoba, Oct. 12 via Colombia Indymedia; El Universal, Cartagena, Oct. 13)

CAUCA: NATIVES SEIZE ESTATES

As part of the nationwide mobilizations, indigenous people in the southern department of Cauca began a coordinated series of land occupations. On Oct. 11 some 2,500 Guambiano indigenous people began occupying the Ambalo estate owned by the Estela family in Silvia municipality in an effort to recover their ancestral lands. On Oct. 14 police attacked the community, injuring at least three people: one was hit in the eyes with tear gas and might lose his sight; one suffered a fractured knee, and one woman’s ribs were fractured. (Colombia’s Caracol news agency reported that the community members fought back with sticks, rocks and agricultural tools, and that four community members and a police agent were hurt in the clash.) The Estela family raises fighting bulls on the estate; Guambiano communities are also occupying two other estates, La Gloria and Puerta de Hierro, owned by the same family. (Fundacion Hemera, Oct. 15; Caracol Noticias, Oct. 15; RCN, Oct. 15; El Pais, Cali, posted Oct. 14 on Colombia Indymedia)

On Oct. 12, members of the Kizgo community began occupying Los Remedios estate, also in Silvia municipality. The estate is owned by the Colombian government, which confiscated it from drug trafficker Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela and co-owner Ana Dolores Avila de Mondragon. The Kizgo community has been trying for more than 15 years to negotiate with the national government for the return of their lands; in 1996 the government promised to buy 400 hectares of land for the community. (Fundacion Hemera, Oct. 15; Autoridades Indigenas de Kizgo, Oct. 14 via Colombia Indymedia)

On Oct. 12, residents of the Paez (Nasa) indigenous communities of Pueblo Nuevo, Caldono, La Aguada, Las Mercedes, Pioya and La Laguna Siberia began an occupation of the El Japio farm in Caloto municipality to press the government to grant them land. Government forces tried to evict them on Oct. 12, but the Indigenous Authorities of Caldono report that the occupation was continuing as of Oct. 13. (Autoridades Indigenas de Caldono-Cauca, Oct. 13 via Colombia Indymedia; EP, Oct. 14)

Elsewhere in Cauca on Oct. 12, indigenous people and campesinos began occupations on the Miraflores estate in Corinto, two estates in the village of Gabriel Lopez in Totoro municipality and lands on a site known as Las Guacas, east of the departmental capital, Popayan. Cauca police commander Col. Luis de Jesus Cely Rincon said army troops from the Codazzi Engineers Battalion of Palmira evicted 200 indigenous people from lands in the community of Media Naranja. Two indigenous people were wounded–at least one of them by a bullet–and had to be hospitalized in Santander de Quilichao; two soldiers were reportedly bruised. (EP, Oct. 14)

WORKERS, CAMPESINOS STRIKE

At least 500,000 Colombians took part in protest marches around the country on Oct. 12 as part of a 24-hour national civic strike protesting the government’s economic and social policies, the planned trade pact and President Uribe’s reelection plans. Some 100,000 people shut down the capital, Bogota, and marches took place in all 32 of the country’s departmental capitals. (LJ, Oct. 13 from AFP, DPA; Vanguardia Liberal, Bucaramanga, Oct. 13; El Informador, Santa Marta, Oct. 13 via Colombia Indymedia; El Heraldo, Barranquilla, Oct. 13)

“Uribe, paramilitary, the people are pissed off,” chanted marchers in Bogota. While opinion surveys have shown the right-wing president maintaining a 70% approval rating since he took office in August 2002, the massive turnout for the protests showed that “support for Uribe is in the media, not in the people,” according to Adolfo Paez, a representative of energy sector workers. “The polls don’t show real life.” (El Diario-La Prensa, NY, Oct. 13 from AFP)

Some 20,000 campesinos, indigenous people, students and workers marched in Neiva, capital of the southern department of Huila; it was the largest march the city had seen in more than 20 years. (Report from Ricardo Ramirez M. posted on Colombia Indymedia, Oct. 13) On Oct. 11 in Guacimo, on the road from Santa Maria to Neiva, the Colombian army tried to stop a caravan of some 1,500 campesinos from reaching Neiva for the protest; they detained three community activists, one of them a minor. In Tolima department, just north of Huila, the army detained 30 campesinos who were organizing for the Oct. 12 strike. (Federacion Nacional Sindical Unitaria Agropecuaria-FENSUAGRO, Oct. 12 via Colombia Indymedia)

Smaller towns and cities saw protests as well. In the southwestern department of Narino, some 3,000 campesinos from rural areas of Barbacoas, Roberto Payan and Magui Payan municipalities marched in the town center of Barbacoas on Oct. 12 to demand drinking water services and alternatives to illegal drug crops. (Caracol Radio. Oct. 13) Another 4,000 campesinos and indigenous people began marching from Mallama to Ricaurte municipality in Narino on Oct. 12.

Some 5,000 African-descended people took part in a march on Oct. 12 in the Pacific coast port city of Buenaventura, Valle del Cauca department, organized by the Process of Black Communities (PCN). Hundreds of people marched from Santa Rosa del Sur municipality to San Lucas in the northern department of Bolivar in support of the national strike and to oppose gold mining by the multinational Kedhada company. (Coordinador Nacional Agrario de Colombia-CNA, Oct. 12 via Colombia Indymedia)

On Oct. 12 in Corinto municipality, in the southern department of Cauca, riot police and army troops used tear gas and firearms against campesinos who were protesting on the road that leads from Miranda municipality. In the village of Gabriel Lopez in Totoro municipality, campesinos blocked the road leading from Popayan, the capital of Cauca, into neighboring Huila department. (Proceso Coordinacion Organizaciones Populares del Suroccidente Colombiano, Oct. 12 via Colombia Indymedia)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 16

CORDILLERA ORIENTAL: U.S. DRUG PLANE SHOT DOWN

On Sept. 30 leftist rebels shot down a single-engine T-65 Turbo Thrush plane as it was spraying herbicides over northeastern Colombia’s El Catatumbo region. The US embassy in Bogota said the plane’s Colombian pilot died while being taken to a hospital. The embassy is investigating the crash. Gregory Lagana, a spokesperson for the US company Dyncorp–which carries out aerial spraying operations in Colombia under contract with the US State Department–declined to say who the pilot worked for, but said the plane was owned by the State Department.

The plane was shot down between the municipalities of Tibu and El Tarra in Norte de Santander department, near the Venezuelan border, where rebels of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) are active. In a program funded by the US government, Colombia’s Antinarcotics Police sprays the toxic herbicide glyphosate over large swathes of countryside, ostensibly to destroy coca and poppy plants.

A report earlier this year by the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy said that despite a record-setting aerial eradication offensive, 114,000 hectares of coca remained in Colombia at the end of 2004–slightly more than the 113,850 hectares that were left over in 2003 after spraying. (Diarios de Urgencia/Resumen Latinoamericano, Sept. 30, with info from Colprensa; Daily Journal, Venezuela, Oct. 2 from AP)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 9

HIGH COURT OK’S RE-ELECTION

On Oct. 18, Colombia’s nine-member Constitutional Court ruled that a constitutional amendment to allow presidential reelection–approved by Congress in December–did not violate legislative or constitutional norms. Opponents of the reelection amendment had sought to have it overturned, arguing that supporters of President Alvaro Uribe Velez had omitted debates, and that dozens of lawmakers had voted for reelection after their relatives were given coveted jobs in embassies and government agencies. The court must still decide the legality of the Electoral Guarantees Law, which sets out terms to restrict the unfair advantage a sitting president has as a candidate. (New York Times, Oct. 20 from Reuters)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #114
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1145

See also our last blog post on para terror in Colombia:
/node/1230

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingCOLOMBIA: INDIGENOUS MOBILIZE—DESPITE STATE TERROR 

PERU: INDIGENOUS BLOCK CAMISEA GAS PROJECT

from Weekly News Update on the Americas

On Sept. 30, residents of the districts of Atalaya, Sepahua and Tahuania in the Peruvian Amazon held a 24-hour strike protesting the contamination of the region’s rivers by the Camisea natural gas project. The same day, thousands of Ashaninka, Yine Yame and Shipibo indigenous people, armed with spears and arrows, set up a river blockade in the districts of Tahuania and Sepahua, preventing ships serving the Camisea project from passing through the zone. The indigenous people, backed by Atalaya mayor Dante Navarro and the regional government of Ucayali, are demanding that the government allot 12.5% of the Camisea royalties to Ucayali to compensate for the damages the gas project causes. “We have waited eight months and we have received no response, so the dialogue has run out,” said Edwin Vasquez, president of Ucayali region.

Navarro said the blockade would go on until the government agrees to the royalty demand. “The contamination of the Ucayali and Urubamba rivers has left us almost without fish, the main food source for our people,” said Navarro. Ucayali Natural Resources Manager Edgar Tapia says the increase in river traffic and pollution caused by ships bringing supplies to Camisea has reduced aquatic species in the Ucayali and Urubamba rivers by 60%. “Our rivers have become a trash dump, and the result is that our people are poisoned and with skin diseases,” said Sepahua mayor Nicolas Salcedo.

In less than nine months Camisea’s liquid gas pipeline has ruptured three times. A rupture last Dec. 22 contaminated the Urubamba river and prompted a protest by Machiguenga communities in the area. A Sept. 16 leak in the pipeline in Ayacucho–which followed an Aug. 29 leak in the same region–contaminated the Chunchubamba river and forced the government to declare all Camisea operations in a state of emergency and to evacuate more than 200 families from the community of Tocatten. (Servindi, Oct. 4)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 9

On Oct. 16 residents of the town of Atalaya took control of the airport there. The communities have also blockaded the new highway linking Atalaya to Satipo. The indigenous people of the region say they will seize the main camp of the Camisea gasfields if their demands for compensation are not met. (Adital, Brazil, Oct. 18)

Weekly News Update on the Americas, Oct 23

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Weekly News Update on the Americas
http://home.earthlink.net/~nicadlw/wnuhome.html

See also WW4 REPORT #113
http://www.ww3report.com/node/1031

See also our special report on the Camisea project:
/node/1140

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Reprinted by WORLD WAR 4 REPORT, Nov. 1, 2005
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingPERU: INDIGENOUS BLOCK CAMISEA GAS PROJECT