Ron Paul Hall of Flame

Here are some the choice comments that we chose to preserve here rather than approving them on the original page where they will further drag down the level of dialogue (as if that were possible)…

There are…
Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 02:14.
Good Jews, bad Jews, then there’s moron Jews. Weenieberg here is the the latter. What I don’t get is if Jews are so “clever” then why can’t they anticipate their next holocaust?

Bill Weinberg wants to kill the President
Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 04:28.
Hey I can play this game too:

1. Andrew Adler, publisher of the Atlanta Jewish Times, suggested that Israel hire a hit squad to take out Obama.

2. Bill Weinberg has a Jewish-sounding surname.

3. Bill Weinberg hasn’t repuidiated Andrew Adler.

3. Therefore Bill Weinberg wants to assassinate the President.

Excuse me? I didn’t say anything about Ron Paul’s last name.

Bill Weinberg
Submitted by Matt (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 14:37.
Is nothing more than a Jewish supremacist spewing his hate for American freedom, free enterprise, liberty and anyone who is not an Israel Firster.

Why do Jews so much hate Ron Paul? Because Ron Paul will dismantle their dominance over banking, media, Hollywood, the U.S. Govt, and Jewish Extremist Terrorism (i.e., 9/11). No, he won’t dismantle these necessarily by force, but rather the free market will crumble the crony system that props all these Jewish dominated apparatus up.

This is why Bill Weinberg hates Ron Paul. He and his mentally deformed genetic relatives will be out of business.

PLEASE EXCUSE ME, AS A
Submitted by Billl Weinberg (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 15:49.
PLEASE EXCUSE ME, AS A WEINBERG, I AM BEING JEWISH. $39 TO REPLY TO THIS.

Pretty funny, you guys glorify “free enterprise”—unless practiced by people with Jewish last names.

Don’t you have a dick to suck weinhole?
Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 14:24.
You’re the sucker — a shill for the establishment.

See how your corporate owned buddies will work out for you when they shut down your propaganda website because someone was threatened by it.

Dumbass.

As for your $7– pull it out your ass like the Fed does.

Bill Weinberg is a NWO piece of garbage that supports murder and
Submitted by Freeman via the creator (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 14:27.
the destruction of America. How do we know this? Because he supports people who are active in destroying our country and writes trash like this that have no basis in reality.

Don’t worry Weinberg everyone is waking up to the BS and people like you are fast becoming not unlike the ancient Der StĂŒrmer that told the Germans Jews kidnapped small children to drink their blood.

Your the racist evil one Bill, your the one dividing our country and pushing us closer toward the debt crisis perpetual war and tyranny.

You and your ideas will be rooted out into the open and in the end no one will listen to a single lying foul word that comes from your mouth.

Oh an just remember they are destroying you and your families future as well you idiot.

Screwdriver
Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 01/22/2012 – 20:31.
That’s what you need….you have numerous screws loose. Good luck!

Screwdriver? Perhaps a reference to these guys…? One hopes not…

Hahaha! Everybody says there
Submitted by Anonymous Rabbit (not verified) on Fri, 02/03/2012 – 14:47.
Hahaha!

Everybody says there is this RACE problem. Everybody says this RACE problem will be solved when the third world pours into EVERY white country and ONLY into white countries.

The Netherlands and Belgium are just as crowded as Japan or Taiwan, but nobody says Japan or Taiwan will solve this RACE problem by bringing in millions of third worlders and “assimilating” with them.

Everybody says the final solution to this RACE problem is for EVERY white country and ONLY white countries to “assimilate,” i.e., intermarry, with all those non-whites.

What if I said there was this RACE problem and this RACE problem would be solved only if hundreds of millions of non-blacks were brought into EVERY black country and ONLY into black countries?

How long would it take anyone to realize I’m not talking about a RACE problem. I am talking about the final solution to the BLACK problem?

And how long would it take any sane black man to notice this and what kind of psycho black man wouldn’t object to this?

But if I tell that obvious truth about the ongoing program of genocide against my race, the white race, everyone agrees that I am a naziwhowantstokillsixmillionjews.

They say they are anti-racist. What they are is anti-white.

Continue ReadingRon Paul Hall of Flame 

THE DISPOSSESSION OF THE PALESTINIANS, PT. V

Continued from node 9140

The Bedouin Struggle

While stopping short of explicitly protesting the displacement of Palestinians on the West Bank, the coordinating committee of the Tel Aviv rent protests did adopt the demand for legalization of “unrecognized” Bedouin villages within Israel. (972Mag, Aug. 7, 2011)

Pressure on this issue had been mounting throughout the year. For months, Israeli forces had been demolishing homes at the Bedouin village al-Araqib in the Negev—an “unrecognized” village that an Israeli court found to be “illegally” built on “state land,” and slated to be removed. The residents—all Israeli citizens, and one third of them are children—had been in court for several years, to demand their land rights. At least 200 children had been left homeless by the recent evictions. Fruit orchards and olive grove trees were also destroyed. The UN Human Rights Committee and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination both expressed concern over Israel’s policy toward its Bedouin population. In July 2011, UNHRC called on Israeli authorities to “respect the Bedouin population’s right to their ancestral land and their traditional livelihood based on agriculture.” (Maan News Agency, Nov. 12, 2011)

In March, Israeli prosecutors launched a $275,000 lawsuit against Bedouin families for the cost of removing them from “state land” they tried to take over northwest of Beersheba. The suit targeted the sheikh of a Bedouin tribe that had staged 13 attempts to occupy “state land” near the Bedouin town of Rahat. Officials estimated there were thousands of “illegal” Bedouin settlements, also known as “non-recognized communities,” with tens of thousands of illegally constructed buildings, in the Negev. (Arutz Sheva, March 2, 2011)

In response to a reported initiative to settle the issue of “unrecognized” villages, Bedouin leaders accused the Israeli government of a “divide and conquer” strategy in order to seize Bedouin lands. A special committee was reported to have prepared a plan under which Bedouins who can prove an historical link to their land could receive financial compensation for a portion of their lots. If the Bedouins accept this offer, the extent of land that could be included in the deal would be approximately 150,000 dunums (about 40,000 acres)—less than half of the land the Bedouins lay claim to. (Ha’aretzYNet, March 10, 2011)

Dr. Awad Abu Farih, spokesman for the local committee for the unrecognized village of al-Araqib, rejected the reported deal, saying: “How can someone discuss the lives of tens of thousands of people in the Negev without involving them at all? [O]ur principled position is to recognize all the unrecognized Bedouin settlements in the Negev, and nothing but that.” Ibrahim al-Wakili, who heads the regional council of unrecognized Bedouin communities in the Negev, said that the offer does not answer the Bedouins claims at all. “There are more than 45 unrecognized settlements on a large portion of land worth hundreds of thousands ofdunums for decades,” al-Wakili said. He asserted, “our land isn’t for sale.” (Ibid)

The committee, which was appointed by former Housing Minister Zeev Boim in late 2007, was preparing a draft report, to be considered by the Prime Minister’s Office, based on a survey headed by retired justice and former State Comptroller Eliezer Goldberg. The Prime Minister’s office was preparing its own regional development plan for the Negev, foreseeing a large Jewish influx into the southern desert region. Ramat Negev Council head Shmulik Rifman warned, “If they don’t finalize the Bedouin settlement it will be very hard to enhance Jewish settlement in the Negev. This must be addressed if one wants 700,000 Jews in the Negev.” (Ibid)

The land of some of the Bedouin communities slated to be evicted under the proposed Israeli government plan was slated for construction of a new Jewish community, according to documents obtained by Adalah, the legal center for Arab minority rights in the Jewish state. The plan called for the forcible relocation of some 30,000 Bedouin to designated existing Bedouin towns. The Prime Minister’s Office intervened to block the unincorporated hamlets of Atir and Umm al-Hiran (near the legal village of Wadi Atir) from being recognized as “legal” villages, contrary to the recommendations of an advisory committee of the National Planning and Building Council. The some 1,000 Bedouin who live in the hamlets, all members of the Abu Alqiyan clan, say they had actually been relocated to their current lands by the Israeli military in the 1950s. Until 1948, the clan held the land where Kibbutz Shoval now stands. After the war, the clan roamed the Negev desert seeking new land, finally being assigned to the Wadi Atir area in 1956. A classified military document dating from 1957 says that the clan received 7,000 dunams of land near the wadi (oasis). It later divided into two hamlets that shared the land. But a plan to build a new Jewish community, to be called Hiran, was submitted to the regional planning and building committee. The Interior Ministry said that a detailed plan for the first neighborhood of Hiran was already under consideration. (Ha’aretz, June 3, 2011)

Unrecognized Bedouin villages receive no basic services such as water and electricity from the state. An estimated 90,000—nearly half of the total Bedouin population of the Negev—currently live in unrecognized villages. The government’s new policy paper—dubbed the Prawer Report for Ehud Prawer, Netanyahu’s director of Planning Policy—called relocating 40% of the Bedouin population now living in unrecognized villages and concentrating them into the seven Israeli government-planned Bedouin townships. These townships are largely viewed as dormitory towns: residents would only sleep there, and be forced to go outside of the town for nearly everything else they need. An Israeli cabinet vote on the Prawer Report scheduled for early June, was postponed due to pressure from right-wing parties, who said the plan gives too much to the Bedouin. If approved, Israel hoped to implement the Prawer Report within a five-year period. A new Bedouin organization called “Recognition Now” was formed to fight the plan, and demand Bedouin land and civil rights in the Negev. (Electronic Intifada, June 16, 2011)

Bedouin were also facing eviction on the West Bank, of course. Evacuation and demolition orders were handed out to a Bedouin family east of Tubas on March 27. The orders come amid concern from UNRWA officials who noted a near two-fold increase in home demolitions during the first two months of 2011. Nabil Mustafa Daraghmeh, the head of a Bedouin family in the Ein Al-Hilwa area outside of Tubas in the northern West Bank, was served papers demanding he and his family evacuate their tent home and move their herds elsewhere. Palestinian security officials said several Israeli military patrol cars arrived in the area to serve the papers, which gave Daraghmeh one day to leave the area. (Ma’an News Agency, March 28, 2011)

Bedouin herding families were increasinly targeted by Israeli officials, who began executing evacuation orders for areas that the Civil Administration has determined are “state land,” lands that fall under Israeli-controlled Area C, or are designated as firing or military training areas. Areas that are not under Palestinian civil control amount to some 60% of the West Bank. (Ma’an News Agency, March 28, 2011)

Mohamed al-Korshan, representative of the Bedouin community in the West Bank, spoke May 24 at the 10th session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York, where he appealed for recognition of his people as a displaced indigenous group living as refugees under occupation. Korshan said there were now 40,000 Bedouin in the West Bank, who were separated from Bedouin tribes in the Negev desert after Israel became a state in 1948. They hold Palestinian identity documents, but many live in Area C, under direct Israeli military occupation. Others, who fled the Negev in 1948, are in UN-run refugee camps, where they have lost their traditional livelihood as nomads and are experiencing an erosion of their culture. (WAFA, May 25; Haaretz, May 24, 2011)

“Since the military occupation of the West Bank by Israel in 1967, the Bedouin in the West Bank are experiencing increasing duress,” Korshan said. “On a daily basis we encounter discrimination, social isolation, multiple counts of home demolition and dispossession, food and water insecurity, harassment by Israeli settlers, all of which constitute triggers to forced displacement.” (Ibid)

Whither Recognition?

With the peace process essentially frozen, the Fatah leadership announced in September that it would seek recognition for Palestinian statehood at the United Nations—a move bitterly protested by Israel and the US. (AlJazeera, Sept. 14, 2011)

Abbas and his team were weighing whether to apply through the Security Council for full membership—which the US vowed to veto—or to go directly to the General Assembly, with no veto and a pro-Palestinian majority. The General Assembly, however, could only declare Palestine an “observer” state, not a full UN member. This would still allow Palestine to join international agencies and treaty groups—including the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court, where it could bring complaints against Israel. (Although a further jurisdictional dilemma is raised by the fact that Israel is not a member of the ICC.) (NYT, Sept. 9)

But criticisms of the statehood bid also came from within the Palestinian camp. The team responsible for preparing the UN initiative was given an independent legal opinion that warned of the proposal’s risks to Palestinian rights. The initiative would transfer the Palestinians’ representation at the UN from the PLO to a state—terminating the international legal status held by the PLO since 1975 as sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. This could mean there would no longer be an institution to represent the rights of the Palestinian people in the UN and related international institutions, the document stated. The seven-page opinion, obtained by the independent Ma’an News Agency, was submitted to the Palestinian team by Guy Goodwin-Gill, a professor of international law at Oxford University and a member of the team that won the 2004 judgement by the International Court of Justice that the route of Israel’s West Bank wall was illegal. (Ma’an News Agency, Aug. 24, 2011)

Under the initiative, being prepared by a Palestinian team headed by Saeb Erekat, the PLO would be replaced at the UN with a State of Palestine as representative of the Palestinian people. However, an actual state would not be created, as long as Israel’s occupation continues. The dissenting brief was intended to “flag the matters requiring attention” so that Palestinians are not “accidentally disenfranchised.” It warned that the Palestinian Authority, which was established by the PLO as a temporary administrative entity, “has limited legislative and executive competence, limited territorial jurisdiction, and limited personal jurisdiction over Palestinians not present in the areas for which it has been accorded responsibility.” It also noted implications for Palestinian refugees and others in the diaspora: “They constitute more than half of the people of Palestine, and if they are ‘disenfranchised’ and lose their representation in the UN, it will not only prejudice their entitlement to equal representation…but also their ability to vocalize their views, to participate in matters of national governance, including the formation and political identity of the State, and to exercise the right of return.” (Ibid)

The UN on Sept. 2 issued its its report on the deadly 2010 Gaza flotilla raid, criticizing Israel for using “excessive and unreasonable” force but finding that the naval blockade of the Gaza Strip itself was lawful. Prepared by a panel headed by former New Zealand prime minister Geoffrey Palmer for the office of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the report found:

The fundamental principle of the freedom of navigation on the high seas is subject to only certain limited exceptions under international law. Israel faces a real threat to its security from militant groups in Gaza. The naval blockade was imposed as a legitimate security measure in order to prevent weapons from entering Gaza by sea and its implementation complied with the requirements of international law… Non-violent options should have been used in the first instance. In particular, clear prior warning that the vessels were to be boarded and a demonstration of dissuading force should have been given to avoid the type of confrontation that occurred. The operation should have reassessed its options when the resistance to the initial boarding attempt became apparent.

The report was predictably met with protest by both Israel and Turkey. Ankara expelled Israel’s envoy and froze military cooperation with the Jewish state following the release of the report, citing Israel’s failure to apologize for the raid. The Turkish administration also said it would seek to prosecute all Israelis involved in the raid. (ReutersJurist, Sept. 2, 2011)

US Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-VT) was meanwhile promoting a bill to suspend Washington’s assistance to three elite Israeli military units implicated in human rights violations. Leahy called for aid to be withheld from the Israeli navy’s Shayetet 13 unit—that involved in the flotilla incident—as well as the undercover Duvdevan unit and the Israel Air Force’s Shaldag unit. Defense Minister Ehud Barak, a long-time friend of Leahy, met with him in Washingto to try to persuade him to withdraw the initiative. Leahy began promoting the legislation after protesters staged a rally outside office. The activists pointed out that Leahy, who heads the Senate Appropriations Committee’s sub-committee on foreign operations, was the principle sponsor of a 1997 bill prohibiting the US from providing military assistance to foreign military units suspected of human rights abuses or war crimes. (Haaretz, Aug. 16, 2011)

On Sept. 8, the IDF reported new “price tag” attacks by presumed far-right settlers on Palestinian targets in the West Bank. A mosque in the village of Yitma, near Nablus, was vandalized with graffiti. Two Palestinian vehicles were torched in the village of Kablan. Vandals also broke into an army base outside the Beit El settlement, slashing tires and breaking windows on 13 vehicles. It was the first “price-tag” attack against the IDF, and drew harsh condemnation from the Israeli government. The attacks came after the IDF razed three homes at the Migron settler outpost. (Jerusalem Post, Sept. 10, 2011)

The Israeli right made much of comments by the Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to the US, Maen Rashid Areikat, at a breakfast briefing hosted by the Christian Science Monitor in Washington September, in which he supposedly called for a “Jew-free Palestinian state.” The offending quote:

“Well, I personally still believe that as a first step we need to be totally separated, and we can contemplate these issues in the future,” he said when asked by The Daily Caller if he could imagine a Jew being elected mayor of the Palestinian city of Ramallah in a future independent Palestinian state. “But after the experience of 44 years of military occupation and all the conflict and friction, I think it will be in the best interests of the two peoples to be separated first.” [Jerusalem Post, Sept. 14, 2011]

Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman (himself, ironically, a vocal advocate of “transfer” of the Palestinians from their homeland) said, “The Palestinian Authority has adopted the German idea of judenrein”—the Nazi policy of a “Jew-free” nation. (Jerusalem Post, Sept. 15, 2011)

Areikat himself responded: “It’s not a misquotation or out of context, it’s a total fabrication. I never mentioned the word ‘Jews,’ I never said that Palestine has to be free of Jews.” Areikat said that he stood by his call for “separation,” but that he intended to refer to the separation of the Israel and Palestinian peoples, not the members of the two religions. “Israeli people includes Christians, Jews, Muslims, Druze… When I say the Israeli people, I mean everybody. This is not a religious conflict, this is not against Jews. We want to be a secular state,” Areikat said. (The Cable, Sept. 15, 2011)

In an earlier interview with the Jewish-oriented Tablet Magazine, Areikat was more forthright, saying: “We need to separate… I’m not saying to transfer every Jew, I’m saying transfer Jews who, after an agreement with Israel, fall under the jurisdiction of a Palestinian state.” (Tablet Magazine, Oct. 2010)

But he was also unequivocal on recognizing Israel’s right to exist:

One hundred years of struggle over that piece of land that was called Palestine produced a lot of misconceptions and misperceptions. We witnessed the rise of national movements that were struggling to create homelands for their own people, and neither one wanted to acknowledge the presence of the other. I think of the early Zionist slogans of a land without a people for a people without a land… I remember former Prime Minister Golda Meir saying that there is no such thing as a Palestinian people in the early ’70s. I remember Palestinians saying that the only Jews in the land of Palestine are going to be Palestinian Jews. I think the bloody conflict brought leaders on both sides to their senses. We have seen at least, from the Palestinian side, since 1988, a clear acceptance of the existence of the State of Israel. [Ibid]

In October, the Security Council’s Standing Committee on Admission of New Members began considering Palestine’s application for full UN membership. Eight of the Security Council’s 15 members declared their support for the Palestinian application: China, Russia, Brazil, India, South Africa, Lebanon, Niger and Gabon. But a veto was practically inevitable by the United States, one of the five permanent Security Council members—which, unlike the 10 rotating members, wield veto power within the Council. (KashmirWatch, Oct. 1, 2011)

Palestinians were meanwhile concerned that their economy could collapse if Israel retaliated against the statehood bid by withholding revenue collected on their behalf. And US punitive financial measures were already coming into place. US Congress members called on President Obama to reduce the Palestinians’ annual $500 million in foreign aid if they proceeded at the UN. Members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee acted to freeze about $200 million in Palestinian aid in response to the statehood bid. (Bloomberg, Sept. 21, 2011)

“There must be consequences for Palestinian and UN actions that undermine any hope for true and lasting peace,” said Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Republican House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (VA) and the number-two House Democrat, Steny Hoyer (MD), accused Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas of “diplomatic warfare” against Israel. Cantor and Hoyer wrote in a joint Sept. 22 opinion in the New York Daily News: “Congress will not sit idly by. The US will likely reconsider its assistance program for the PA and other aspects of US-Palestinian relations should the Palestinians choose to move forward in requesting a vote on statehood.” (Ibid)

But, significantly, the aid freeze only applied to butter—not to guns. In the unambiguous wording of one wire account: “The economic package is separate from security aid, which the US lawmakers say would be counterproductive to block. They fear that withholding those funds would weaken the ability of Palestinian security forces to quell anti-Israel violence.” (AFP, Oct. 1, 2011)

Israel openly replied to Palestine’s statehood bid with new East Jerusalem settlement plans. Prime Minister Netanyahu on Sept. 28 rejected Western and Arab complaints that the newly announced construction of 1,100 Jewish homes in Gilo on annexed land close to East Jerusalem would hurt efforts to revive the peace process. But the PLO executive committee, meeting in Ramallah, said that Israel must halt all settlement building in the occupied West Bank before they will restart talks. (Ma’an News AgencyReuters, Sept. 29; HaaretzReuters, Sept. 28; AP, Sept. 27, 2011)

Israel reacted with even greater blatancy after the UN cultural organization UNESCO’s Oct. 31 decision to grant Palestine full-member status. The government immediately said it would move ahead with “sensitive housing projects”—as a rebuttal to UNESCO. Netanyahu and a forum of eight senior ministers formally decided the next day to initiate a new wave of settlement construction on the West Bank. The Prime Minister’s Office said the construction of 2,000 housing units planned in East Jerusalem, Gush Etzion and Ma’aleh Adumim should be expedited. “All of the mentioned areas are ones that would remain in Israeli control under any future peace agreement,” the PMO said in a statement. The ministers also resolved to suspend the transfer to the Palestinian Authority of tax remittances collected by Israel in October. Foreign Minister Lieberman additionally announced that Israel would “review its relations” with UNESCO. (Haaretz, Nov. 2; YNet, Oct. 31, 2011)

Only 13 of the 194 UNESCO members voted with Israel against granting full membership to Palestine. 107 voted for, while 52 abstained and the rest were absent. France voted for the Palestinians, and the UK abstained. The US responded to the vote by suspending its $80 million-a-year contribution to UNESCO’s $643 million budget. The cutback, decreed by Congress, went ahead even as UNESCO worked closely with the US in Afghanistan—on literacy, education, gender equity, clean water and basic health programs. (Toronto Star, Nov. 2, 2011)

Israel’s propaganda apparati quickly mobilized to delegitimize UNESCO’s decision. The Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education (IMPACT-SE, chaired by Yochanan Manor of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) issued a study asserting that Palestinian textbooks do not meet UNESCO’s requirements for tolerance and non-racism. The report, which examined 117 Palestinian textbooks, was purportedly commissioned before the Palestinians filed their UNESCO application. It charged that Palestinian textbooks and maps were largely devoid of any reference to Israel, geographic or otherwise. IMPACT-SE also found that many of the Palestinian schoolbooks glorified jihad, death and acts of violence, predominantly against Jews. (YNet, Oct. 2, 2011) Israeli media accounts did not make clear if these were Fatah-approved textbooks used on the West Bank or Hamas-approved textbooks used in the Gaza Strip, or if the reviewed textbooks were still actually in use.

Netanyahu, in his speech at the United Nations on Sept. 23 urging no recognition of Palestinian statehood, argued that Israeli concessions have only encouraged Palestinian extremists:

But Israel did more than just make sweeping offers. We actually left territory. We withdrew from Lebanon in 2000 and from every square inch of Gaza in 2005. That didn’t calm the Islamic storm, the militant Islamic storm that threatens us. It only brought the storm closer and made it stronger. Hezbollah and Hamas fired thousands of rockets against our cities from the very territories we vacated. See, when Israel left Lebanon and Gaza, the moderates didn’t defeat the radicals, the moderates were devoured by the radicals. [Haaretztranscript, Sept. 23, 2011]

Israel’s Gaza Gateway blog, which opposes the siege of the Strip, responded to Netanyahu’s portrayal:

[D]evelopments in Gaza in recent years would seem to impart a different lesson… Netanyahu linked…Israel’s “disengagement” and the strengthening of Hamas, but that is not where Israel’s policy towards Gaza ended. The closure policy that soon followed, and which is still in effect, has been the subject of growing criticism by Israeli journalists, commentators and researchers who have argued that rather than fulfilling its explicit objective of weakening Hamas, the policy has actually achieved the opposite outcome…

The closure imposed on the Gaza Strip has remained in place since 2007. During this period, the civilian economy in Gaza has collapsed, and Palestinians living in the Strip have been denied the right to visit their families, study or engage in commerce in the West Bank. To date, the closure has not helped stop the firing of rockets, bring back Gilad Shalit, or cause the downfall of the Hamas regime—objectives cited by the Israeli government to justify the closure. Instead, Israeli soldiers have found themselves discussing how many rolls of toilet paper should be allowed into the Gaza Strip… It’s time to allow Gaza to be a different kind of example, for Israelis and Palestinians alike.

Amidst all this, in a deal with Hamas, Israel won the release of Gilad Shalit, the IDF soldier held on the Gaza Strip since 2006. Shalit was freed Oct. 18, on an Israeli pledge to free 1,027 Palestinian prisoners. Israel immediately released 477, with an additional 550 to be freed in two months. Many were to be relocated to third countries, including Turkey, Syria and Qatar. Hamas officials said their members had been subject in Israeli prisons to “torture, compulsion and revenge.” At least one released Palestinian detainee, Wafa al-Bass (arrested for an attempted suicide bombing in 2005), indiscretely declared her next goal upon stepping off the bus in Gaza: to abduct more Israeli soldiers and thereby win the release of more Palestinian prisoners. (NYT, Oct. 18, 2011)

Shalit himself, after his long ordeal, seems to have immediately become a political football. Former Mossad chief Meir Dagan held a press conference in Tel Aviv to blast the prisoner swap. Dagan said: “I oppose the deal which was implemented. I thought it wrong to release 140 terrorists to the territories. Many of them will resume their terrorist activity. We bolstered Hamas and weakened the PA.” He went on to criticize the jubilation around Shalit’s release—and stopped barely short of criticizing Shalot himself: “I’m not sure I was thrilled with the fact that Netanyahu greeted him back. It seemed problematic to me, he’s being portrayed as a hero, I would beware of such definitions.” (YNet, Nov. 2, 2011)

Meshulam Nahari, Knesset member with the ultra-orthodox Shas party, slammed Shalit for going to the beach with his father on the first Shabbat after his release, instead of going to the synagogue for prayer. Nahari asserted that Shalit and his father should have used his first Saturday of freedom to say the benediction of deliverance—a Jewish prayer of thanks traditionally said by those who survived an adversity or were released from prison. (YNet, Nov. 3, 2011)

A New York Times editorial raised concerns about such a backlash:

Now that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has compromised with Hamas, we fear that to prove his toughness he will be even less willing to make the necessary compromises to restart negotiations… One has to ask: If Mr. Netanyahu can negotiate with Hamas—which shoots rockets at Israel, refuses to recognize Israel’s existence and…vowed to take even more hostages—why won’t he negotiate seriously with the Palestinian Authority, which Israel relies on to help keep the peace in the West Bank? [NYT, Oct. 19, 2011]

On Oct. 30, Israeli warplanes struck the Gaza Strip, killing at least 10 Palestinians. Gaza militants retaliated with rockets that left one Israeli dead—the worst violence over the Strip since August. The Israeli air-strike came hours after Islamic Jihad, which had been firing rockets and mortars into Israel, accepted an Egyptian-brokered cease-fire. (Bloomberg, Oct. 30, 2011)

Class tensions within Israel continued to manifest. The country’s public sector workers walked out for four hours Nov. 7, shutting down trains, buses, airports, banks, government ministries and municipalities. Traffic jams clogged Tel Aviv, and the city’s stock exchange and Ben Gurion International Airport were closed. A general strike by the Histadrut Labor Union was limited to four hours by an order of the National Labor Court. The union demanded that the government officially hire some 250,000 contract workers, who were denied representation and job security. (HaaretzJTAAFP, Nov. 7, 2011)

On Nov. 14, a strike on what the Israeli army called a “terror activity center” in the northern Strip left one police offer dead and four of his colleagues wounded. Also injured in the attack was a French diplomat and two family members. The consul, Majdi Jameel Yaseen Shaqqoura, and his 13-year-old daughter were hit by shrapnel, and his pregnant wife miscarried. “France strongly condemns the consequences of the air raid,” the French foreign ministry said in response to the incident. (Ma’an News AgencyMa’an News Agency, Nov. 16, 2011)

On Nov. 15, Israeli police detained six Palestinians calling themselves “West Bank Freedom Riders” who boarded a Jerusalem-bound bus used by Jewish settlers. The activists said they drew inspiration from 1960s US civil rights campaigners who used the same tactic to oppose segregated buses. The group of six protesters gathered at a West Bank bus stop and waited for an Israeli bus to pick them up, then tried to enter Jerusalem—in what was apparently a first. The activists were arrested when they refused to leave the bus at a checkpoint near the city. (BBC News, Nov. 15, 2011)

A funeral procession in the West Bank town of Beit Ummar erupted into clashes between Israeli forces and locals on Nov. 20, after a man in an unmarked vehicle, initially identified as a Jewish settler, fired towards the group and Palestinian mourners responded by throwing stones. Israeli forces shortly arrived at the scene, and started firing tear gas at the Palestinians. An Israeli army spokesperson later said the man who fired on the procession was an army official traveling in a civilian vehicle paid for by the army. (WAFAMa’an News Agency, Nov. 20, 2011)

Despite the Fatah-Hamas deal to unite the separate Palestinian administrations in the West Bank and Gaza, little progress was made—and the two sides remained at odds in disputes over money and jurisdiction. The Hamas administration in Gaza ordered the PA-controlled Bank of Palestine to pay nearly $100 million in what it called back taxes, and prevented 11 board members from leaving the Strip. (Ma’an News Agency, Nov. 21, 2011)

At least four Palestinians were killed in new Israeli air-strikes on the Gaza Strip in early December—including the 12-year-old son of one suspected militant whose house was targeted. Militants responded with a barrage of rockets, some of which landed near Beersheba. No one was hurt in the rocket attacks, but aiir-raid sirens summoned residents of southern Israel to shelters. (Ma’an News Agency, Dec. 9, 2011)

Hundreds of Palestinians gathered in the West Bank Dec. 11 to mourn the death of a Palestinian protester who died after being hit in the face by a tear-gas canister fired by Israeli troops at the village of Nabi Saleh two days earlier. The body of 28-year-old Mustafa Tamimi was carried in a procession that began in Ramallah, ending 10 kilometers north at his home village, which had been holding weekly protests against land confiscation for a settlement. The European Union issued a statement protesting the “disproportionate use of force” in the incident. (CNN, Dec. 11; Ma’an News Agency, Dec. 9; JP, Dec. 14, 2011)

The death of Tamimi came as an international coalition of 20 aid agencies and human rights groups issued new findings that Israeli authorities had stepped up unlawful demolitions in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, over the past year—displacing a record number of Palestinian families from their homes. The statement was timed to coincide with a Jerusalem meeting of the Middle East Quartet in its latest effort to revive peace talks. The humanitarian and rights groups, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Oxfam International, called for the Quartet to hold all parties to the conflict to their obligations under international law. (Amnesty International, Dec. 13, 2011)

Seth Morrison, a board member of the Jewish National Fund in Washington DC, announced his resignation in December, in protest of the ongoing displacement of Palestinians on the West Bank and in East Jerusalem—especially citing land seizures under Israel’s Absentee Property Law. Wrote Morrison in his resignation letter: “My commitment to building a safe and secure Israel has not changed. My admiration for much of JNF’s environmental work has not changed. What has changed is a sense of betrayal I have at learning that JNF is a force in preventing long-term peace.” (The Forward, Dec. 23, 2011)

On Dec. 12, some 300 settlers hurled stones at Palestinian vehicles on the main road near the settlement of Ramat Gilad in response to rumors of an imminent eviction. They also pelted stones at the jeep of a local Israeli army commander—and later launched an attack on the local base of the army’s Ephraim Brigade, hurling paint, nails and rocks. Around 50 of them broke into the base and proceeded to vandalize vehicles, burn tires and throw stones at the brigade commander. Soldiers dispersed the rioters and detained one man. Another group of settlers under the “Hilltop Youth” banner meanwhile occupied a border post with Jordan. (Haartez, Dec. 14; YNetNYT, Dec. 13, 2011)

Two nights later, presumed Israeli rightists carried out an arson attack on an abandoned mosque in Jerusalem. Firefighters were able to contain the blaze before serious damage was done. Security officials found graffiti defaming Islam and Arabs on the building’s walls, as well as the words “price tag.” (YNet, Dec. 14, 2011)

The Jerusalem city council’s district planning committee on Dec. 28 approved plans for a large tourism complex in the flashpoint neighborhood of Silwan, just south of the Old City. The project was slated for a plot of land currently being used as a parking lot opposite the Dung Gate, main entrance to the Western Wall and the Old City’s Jewish Quarter. It would be managed by Elad, a hardline settler organization, which runs the nearby archaeological site at David’s City. Local Palestinian activists protested the move. “This project aims to promote settler tourism and religious tourism,” said Fakhri Abu Diab, head of the Silwan Defense Committee. “This complex will change the character of the area and will emphasize the idea that Jerusalem is the capital of the Jewish people—because it is a political project too.” The complex would be higher than the Old City walls and would in some places block Silwan’s view of al-Aqsa mosque. Silwan is part of the so-called Holy Basin around the Old City, purported site of ancient Jerusalem during the time of the biblical kings David and Solomon. The neighborhood, built on the steep hillsides of the Kidron Valley, was the scene of frequent clashes between locals and a 400-strong community of Jewish settlers living in their midst. (AFP, Dec. 28, 2011)

On Dec. 26, dozens of haredim (ultra-Orthodox Jews) hurled stones at policein the Jerusalem suburb of Beit Shemesh after officers had removed public signs calling for segregation between men and women in the city. Some haredim called police “Nazis.” There were no reports of injury. (YNet, Dec. 26, 2011)

The following day, some 4,000 participated in a rally in Beit Shemesh against gender segregation and violence against women by haredi extremists. The rally was held near a religious girls school attended by 8-year-old American immigrant Na’ama Margolis, who was featured in an Israeli TV news program, saying she was afraid to walk to school following harassment by local haredi men. She said haredi spat on her and called her a whore for dressing “immodestly.” (JTAAP, Dec. 27, 2011)

A missile fired from an Israeli drone at presumed militants near the Gaza Strip’s border wall left one dead on Dec. 30, after a dozen rockets were fired at Israel from Gaza over the past week. None caused injury or damage. (NYT, Dec. 30, 2011)

At year’s end, Arab families and their supporters erected a small tent camp outside Old Acre’s Khan al-Umdan district to protest their eviction from an apartment building by Israel’s state-owned Amidar Company. Amidar said the eviction was to allow for the building to be renovated and made safe for its residents. But the residents charged that Amidar, the Old Acre Development Company and the Israel Lands Authority want to evict as many Arab families as possible for the benefit of developers and potential buyers, mostly Jews and foreigners. (Ha’aretz, Jan. 3, 2012)

Amid growing tensions in the Persian Gulf over Iran’s nuclear program, the US and Israel prepared to hold the largest missile defense exercise in the history of the Jewish state. The drill was to include establishment of US command posts in Israel and IDF command posts at European Command headquarters in Germany. The US prepared to deploy its Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) and ship-based Aegis missile defense systems to Israel to simulate the interception of strikes on Israel. The US systems were to work in conjunction with Israel’s missile defense systems—the ArrowPatriot and Iron Dome. (Jerusalem Post, Dec. 20, 2011)

In US political discourse, the hardline pro-Israel position was becoming more hegemonic. At a campaign stop in Iowa, Republican presidential hopeful Rick Santorum told a questioner that “all the people that live in the West Bank are Israelis. They’re not Palestinians—there is no Palestinian—this is Israeli land.” (The Lede, Jan. 5, 2012) Newt Gingrich made similar remarks, telling a Jewish cable TV show: “Remember, there was no Palestine as a state. It was part of the Ottoman Empire. We have invented the Palestinian people, who are in fact Arabs and are historically part of the Arab people, and they had the chance to go many places.” (Washington Post, Dec. 9, 2011)

Israeli and Palestinian officials met for the first time in more than a year in Amman on Jan. 3, and agreed to hold further preliminary talks in Jordan as part of an effort to renew formal peace negotiations. The meeting of Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erakat and his Israeli counterpart, Yitzhak Molcho—the first since the breakdown of talks in September 2010—was arranged by the Quartet, with help from Jordan’s King Abdullah. (Bloomberg, Jan. 4, 2012)

But Hamas leader Ismail Radwan said the Amman meeting would damage Fatah’s reconciliation deal with his party. “We consider these meetings a blow for national reconciliation, especially as we agreed in Cairo to face Israel’s settlements, wall, and attacks together,” Radwan said during a meeting of the community reconciliation committee in Gaza. In a show of strength, thousands of Hamas supporters attend a rally in Gaza City on Dec. 14 marking the 24th anniversary of the Islamic movement’s foundation. (Ma’an News Agency, Jan. 4, 2012)

Israel’s High Court on Jan. 11 voted to reject a challenge filed against provisions of the Citizenship Law, which bar Palestinians married to Israeli Arabs from receiving Israeli citizenship or residency. Six judges voted to reject the challenge, while five voted to accept it. Israel generally grants citizenship to spouses of Israelis in a gradual process, with a somewhat longer process for spouses of permanent residents. However, a 2002 temporary order—which has been repeatedly extended—excluded Palestinian spouses from these processes, barring them from becoming Israeli citizens. Despite a 2006 ruling that the order is unconstitutional, it has continued to have force of law while it was amended by the Knesset to bring it into compliance with constitutional standards. The provision still imposes harsh restrictions on the freedom of Arab citizens of Israel to live with spouses from the Occupied Territories, as well as from so-called “enemy states” (defined as Syria, Lebanon, Iran and Iraq). The new decision upholding it affects thousands of couples. (Ha’aretzHa’aretz,Electronic IntifadaYNetYNet, Jan. 12; Ha’aretz, Jan. 11, 2011)

In the ruling, Justice Asher Grunis wrote that “human rights are not a prescription for national suicide”—a term often used in reference to allowing a return of Palestinian refugees. Similar language was used in reference to the ruling by Interior Minister Eli Yishai, who warned about the need to protect the Jewish majority. MK Otniel Schneller (Kadima) also praised the High Court’s decision in terms of ethnic separation: “The High Court decision articulates the rationale of separation between the [two] peoples and the need to maintain a Jewish majority and the [Jewish] character of the state.” Far-right National Union MK Yaakov Katz explicitly portrayed marriage as a subterfuge for a strategy to reverse the Jewish majority in Israel: “A fantastic miracle took place last night in the High Court when by a happenstance majority the State of Israel was saved from being flooded by 2-3 million Arab refugees.” (Ibid)

The legal challenge was brought by the Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, the Association of Civil Rights in Israel, and affected individuals. The Adalah Center issued a statement in response to the decision, saying: “The High Court of Justice today approved a law the likes of which does not exist in any democratic state in the world, depriving citizens from maintaining a family life in Israel only on the basis of the ethnic affiliation of the male or female spouse. The ruling proves how much the situation regarding the civil rights of the Arab minority in Israel is declining into a highly dangerous and unprecedented situation.” The Association for Civil Rights in Israel also slammed the decision, stating that “the majority opinion has stamped its approval on a racist law, one [that] will harm the very texture of the lives of families whose only sin is the Palestinian blood that runs in their veins.” (Ibid)

Arabs make up about 20% of Israel’s population of 7 million (excluding the Mizrahi, or Jews of Arab origin). About 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Many families were divided by ceasefire lines after wars, and marriage between the two groups has been common over the years. Between 1993 and 2002, more than 100,000 Palestinians obtained Israeli residency permits in this manner—which the Israeli rights has portrayed as a security threat. Many couples now fear residency will be withdrawn retroactively following the new high court decision. “The Citizenship Law will lead to the expulsion of thousands of families from the country,” said Hatam Iyat, an attorney from the village of Qara whop is married to a Palestinian woman, the mother of his four children. “But we will not remain silent; we will take action against the law.” (Ibid)

Continued at node 12054

 
Continue ReadingTHE DISPOSSESSION OF THE PALESTINIANS, PT. V 

We Lurch Resolutely into the Future…

Dear Readers:

We are depending on the success of our winter fund drive to pay for our long-awaited redesign, which we hope will be a more general reboot of World War 4 Report. Our total now stands at $1,225, which is not bad for a start. But we really need to raise $5,000 to meet the costs of the redesign and to get us through the winter. That means we currently have $3,775 to go. Can we depend on you, readers?

So far, we have received a few but very generous donations. We would rather receive just asmall donation—from each of our thousands of readers. So, if you are reading this: If not you, who? And if not now, when?

We also asked in last month's Exit Poll if World War 4 Report is still relevant ten years after its launch in the immediate wake of the 9-11 disaster. We've heard from around 15 readers. We think we have more than 15 readers. Do you appreciate out work? Please let us know. Do you not appreciate out work? Please let us know too.

We are now grappling with another question. We explain in our Mission Statement what we mean by "World War 4." But we are considering changing our name when we do our make-over, to something that reflects the post-GWOT era that we are hopefully entering. The "Global War on Terrorism" obviously still continues, even if Obama has dropped that particular nomenclature. But perhaps it will no longer be the paradigmatic conflict on the planet, as popular revolutionary movements gain ground from Tahrir Square to Wall Street. Let us know if you support a name-change, and if you have any suggestions for the new one.

Please ensure that we will be around to document, criticize and incite in the new world situation now in the making.

We need your support, and your feedback.

Thank you, shukran and gracias,

Bill Weinberg

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Continue ReadingWe Lurch Resolutely into the Future… 

iDIDN’T MOURN STEVE JOBS

by Michael I. Niman, ArtVoice

i know I’m skating on thin ice with this column. Writing about the FBI, CIA, NSA, or any of the other spook agencies? No problem. But mention the deceased Steve Jobs as anything other than saintly or god-like and you’ve crossed over the line. Spinning his departure as anything other than a tragic loss for humanity is treason against our species.

But we’ve got to stop drinking this Kool-Aid. It was a true testimony to the omnipotence of corporate culture when a critical mass of Occupy Wall Street protestors zombied up in a moment of silence to mourn the one-percenter who planted his own revenue stream in so many of their pockets.

It’s now been a month since Jobs was finally humbled by burial: Can we clear the tears from our glazed eyes and talk about this?

Life in iPod City
Steve Jobs made his fortune by transitioning Apple from a computer manufacturer into an electronics design and marketing company that “outsourced” the actual production of its products to Asian sweatshops. This is the Nike model. Get rid of the clunky, capital-intensive accoutrements of 20th-century industrialism, like factories that need maintenance and workers who demand a living wage. Instead of building products, Jobs concentrated on building a brand—a super brand with a cult-like following. With this brand in hand, Apple was able to contract out to faceless suppliers who squeezed their slim profit margin from an over-worked and underpaid workforce.

Under Jobs’ watch, city-sized factories sprung up in China, pumping out iPods, iPhones, iPads, iMacs, and Macbooks by the dozens of millions. The largest producer of iBling is a Taiwanese company by the name of Foxconn that fulfills most of its Apple orders at two massive factories in China. Its Longhua, Shenzhen complex employs as many as 450,000 workers and covers a footprint of more than one square mile. Its Chengdu factory was built in just 70 days, opening in October 2010 in order to meet the demand for second-generation iPads, and is able to pump out 40 million units per year. Chengdu workers, according to a Hong Kong human rights group, stand on their feet for up to 14 hours a day working at repetitive, mind-and body-numbing tasks.

These Foxconn plants are walled compounds where employees eat, sleep, and work, with restaurants, grocery stores, banks, clinics, gymnasiums, and even a company-run TV station located onsite. Workers mostly live, eight to 10 to a room, in company-owned dormitories, suffering a quasi-military management regimen. When iPhone sales took off in 2009, the company, according to one human rights agency investigation, forced the workforce to labor as many as 120 hours per month overtime in order to keep Apple stores in the US and Europe stocked. As a result, Apple’s profits defied Wall Street’s bear market, with a seemingly endless supply of its popular products.

At the same time, Foxconn’s production line workers started jumping to their deaths. In response, the company festooned some of its most depressing dormitories with anti-suicide netting, and, according to the Huffington Post, made new hires sign an anti-suicide pledge.

Mourn the iVictims
So yeah, I’m dumbfounded by all the mourning. Sure, Jobs was a visionary, but his vision was a dark one. To face up to that, however, means having to come to terms with the nasty realities of our own fetishistic consumerism. All of this iShit has to come from somewhere. And that somewhere is Chengdu and Shenzhen.

Dig deeper and you’ll find raw materials sourced from deadly, low-bidding mines across Africa. You’ll find mine tailings poisoning communities just as you’ll find iWorkers on assembly lines poisoned by solvents and crippled by hyper-paced repetitive movements.

To hold Jobs accountable for what he represents means having to think about our own complicity in fueling the iDeath industries. So we’ll mourn Jobs and ignore the victims of the suicide clusters in the Apple supply line.

Sure, Apple has a code of ethics. So do the public relations and advertising industries. It works like this: Apple contracts out to have products produced at impossible prices. Journalists and human rights activists catch Apple suppliers violating said code. Apple condemns the supplier’s practice, even going as far as cutting contracts with some smaller, nonessential vendors. In high-profile cases, Jobs himself made cameo media appearances to righteously condemn his own contractors.

But the problem was never rogue suppliers violating Apple’s ethics. The problem was Jobs’ business model, which guaranteed that suppliers would engage in a cost-cutting race to the bottom. And this model, no matter how many workers jumped from dormitory roofs in Shenzhen, was never up for debate. Apple, with its distinctively unique, popular, high-profit product line and devoted customer base, was well situated to make a break from the sweatshop model—but under Jobs’ leadership, it instead chose to expand morally repugnant outsourcing practices.

Living in an iWorld
Even if Apple’s iGoods were somehow produced sustainably in safe factories where workers earned living wages, I still wouldn’t have mourned his passing. The inventions he shepherded to market have certainly changed the world. But has that really been a good thing? The Apple model is the antithesis of the open-source movement celebrated by the anarcho-techie set. Apple hardware is usually mated to proprietary software and peripherals. In some cases, running non-proprietary software, as in breaking free of Steve Jobs’ vision of how you as a consumer should behave, violates your Apple hardware warranty.

Apple gizmos traffic your desires to Apple-owned stores. Its iTunes store now dominates the global music industry, dictating terms to musicians and music labels who want access to Apple’s near-monopoly platform. It’s iPhone App Store can festoon your iPhone screen with a plethora of corporate brands, but also acts as a gatekeeper, locking other applications out of the booming iMarket. Details on Apple’s predatory market practices fill books and court documents. It’s not technological innovation alone that explains Apple’s market dominance in tablets, phones, and music players. As with their predatory production model, Apple, under Jobs’ leadership, has been ruthless in its quest to dominate markets, and in turn, consumers. From where I sit, I can only see unbridled greed.

Question iDependence
While technology users quickly develop dependence on their new gadgets, Apple users often develop an additional dependence on the brand, whose product logic and software often make transitioning to a competing platform cumbersome and even intimidating. Under Jobs’ leadership, Apple developed partnerships with other mega-brands. Magazines, for example, now tout special features such as videos that are exclusively available online for their subscribers—but more and more, the catch is you can only view your bonus on your Apple iPad, much like products in stores want to “talk” to your iPhone. What this all adds up to is one corporation with an increasing presence in every aspect of your life—and a diminishing number of options to circumvent that inevitable relationship.

Apple, under Jobs’ tutelage, has used this presence very effectively to separate consumers from their money. Buying an Apple product is not a onetime purchase. Rather, it’s a sort of conversion to a consumer sect, the beginning of a relationship that will maintain an enduring flow of money from you to Apple.

This is Steve Jobs’ legacy. It is truly brilliant. And yes, your iPhone is very impressive. I still don’t get the mourning.
—-

This story first ran Nov. 10 in ArtVoice, Buffalo, NY.

Dr. Michael I. Niman is a professor of journalism and media studies at Buffalo State College. His previous columns are at artvoice.com, archived at www.mediastudy.com, and available globally through syndication.

From our Daily Report:

China: industrial strikes, peasant protests rock Guangdong
World War 4 Report, Nov. 25, 2011

See also:

THE WILDCAT STRIKES IN CHINA
Towards an Independent Labor Movement?
by Lance Carter, Insurgent Notes
World War 4 Report, July 2010

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Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingiDIDN’T MOURN STEVE JOBS 

BRAZIL: GUARANI LEADER SLAIN BY MASKED GUNMEN

by Bill Weinberg, Indian Country Today

A hit squad of some 40 masked gunmen on Nov. 18 executed a cacique or traditional leader of Brazil’s Kaiowa-Guarani people. NĂ­sio Gomes, 59, was shot down in front of his community, on disputed lands near the Paraguayan border in Mato Grosso do Sul state.

The gunmen arrived in trucks, surrounded Gomes, and ordered community members to lie on the ground. Community members say he was shot in the head, chest, arms and legs—his body then thrown into the back of a truck and driven away. The remains have not been recovered.

Another four Guarani were wounded when they attempted to resist. Federal Police have been dispatched to the region, but say they have no leads.

Gomes was the leader of a group of some 60 Guarani who had established the new community at Fazenda Ouro Verde (Green Gold Farm) in AmambaĂ­ municipality three weeks earlier. They claim the land as part of their traditional territory, from which they were evicted by cattle ranchers. For the past week, the community reported that gunmen in trucks had repeatedly circled their camp.

Gomes’ son Valmir told the UK-based Survival International that his father had been threatened repeatedly by unknown men who visited their camp. One had reportedly told Gomes, “You’ll be dead soon.”

Survival International reports that Gomes spoke his last words to Valmir as the gunmen arrived: “Don’t leave this place. Take care of this land with courage. This is our land. Nobody will drag you from it. Look after my grand-daughters and all the children well. I leave this land in your hands.”

As they fled, the assailants drove over Gomes’ vara—a wooden staff used in rituals and prayers. It did not break. Valmir now has the vara, which is believed to be about 200 years old.

Brazil’s indigenous affairs department, FUNAI, has also opened an investigation into the slaying. Brazil’s Human Rights Secretariat condemned the murder as “part of the systematic violence against indigenous people in the region.” Human Rights Minister Maria do Rosario Nunes said the region is “one of the worst scenes of conflict between indigenous people and ranchers in the country.”

Survival International director Stephen Corry said, “It seems like the ranchers won’t be happy until they’ve eradicated the Guarani. This level of sustained violence was commonplace in the past and it resulted in the extinction of thousands of tribes. It is utterly shameful that the Brazilian government allows it to continue today.”

Some 70 more Guarani are reported to have strengthened the encampment at Fazenda Ouro Verde, and pledge to defend it with their lives. One of the defenders told the Indigenous Missionary Council news agency, CIMI: “The people will stay in the camp, we will all die here together. We are not going to leave our ancestral land.”

This is the third attempt by the Kaiowa-Guarani to reclaim the land, from which they were evicted by ranchers 30 years ago. Before their return, the community had been living by the side of a road.

The disputed lands are now producing cattle, soy and sugar cane. Several Guarani leaders have been killed since they launched their campaign to recover lands in the region in 2003. FUNAI in 2008 began to consider the disputed lands for demarcation as Guarani communities, but the process is not yet concluded. Mato Grosso do Sul is one of Brazil’s biggest sources of beef, soy and other cash crops for the export market.

—-

This story first ran Nov. 21 in Indian Country Today, Oneida Nation, New York state.

Sources:

Correio do Estado, Correio do Estado, Campo Grande, Mato Grosso do Sul, Nov. 20; Survival International, Nov. 19; Survival International, BBC News, AFP, CIMI, Nov. 18

From our Daily Report:

Brazil: Guarani leaders murdered, tortured
World War 4 Report, Dec. 31, 2009

From our Archive:

Brazil: Guarani and Kaiowa take back the land
World War 4 Report, February 2004

——————-
Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingBRAZIL: GUARANI LEADER SLAIN BY MASKED GUNMEN 

‘THIS LAND IS OURS!’

Land Theft as Legacy of Genocide in Guatemala

by Frauke Decoodt, World War 4 Report

“This land is ours! It does not belong to the State. It is ours, as indigenous people!” So said 20-year-old Guatemalan Lorena SĂĄnchez on May 3, 2011 when a state representative from Fondo de Tierras, a government department regulating access to land, arrived in Tzalbal to tell its people they are living on state property.

Tzalbal, a village of fourteen settlements, is located deep in the Cuchumatanes mountains. Tzalbal is home to the Ixil, a native Mayan people. The Ixiles live in the municipalities of Nebaj, Chajul and Cotzal, in the northwestern department of Quiché. Tzalbal lies the municipality of Nebaj.

The villagers had no idea that their land had been nationalised in 1984—a fact that was concealed from them for 28 years. They are perplexed, shocked, and angry. In the 1980s, the area was scorched with genocide and state repression, and the majority of Ixiles were forced to flee their land.

The genocide of the Maya-Ixil People
During the 36 -year conflict in Guatemala, 98% of the 7,000 victims in the Ixil region, were Ixiles. A sixth of the Ixil population was assassinated by the army, and 70% of their villages were obliterated. Most Ixiles fled to the mountains; many died due to cold, starvation and disease.

Although the Ixil area was one of the worst affected, the whole of Guatemala suffered during the conflict that raged until 1996, which saw 12% of the population displaced and more than 200,000 killed or disappeared. The state army was responsible for 93% of the atrocities and 626 massacres. Approximately 83% of the victims were indigenous.

Post-conflict investigations from Guatemala’s Catholic Church and the United Nations have established that during the 1980s the state committed genocide in Guatemala.

A people displaced from its lands
Though the genocide can be explained by the racism towards and the dehumanization of the indigenous people who comprise more than 60% of the Guatemalan population, one cannot fully understand the pattern and formation of the genocide in Guatemala without taking into account the importance of land.

The residents of Tzalbal comprehend, only too well, the intimate relationship between land and conflict. Patricio RodrĂ­guez is only 66 years old but the wisdom of age and the harsh experience of poverty and conflict are inscribed on his face. Patricio points out that their present conditions are “because of the war, the repression, the massacres of the government in the eighties. So many years they burned our houses, they killed our animals and destroyed our milpas [small plots of maize]. Because so many people had been killed, we fled to the mountains to save our lives. The army then thought this land was abandoned, empty. But we deserted our land because of the repression. Now we are starting to realise that during the armed conflict they stole from us. And to legalize their theft they made a law.”

The conflict for the land and the land for the conflict
It is the unequal distribution of the land in a principally agricultural society like that of Guatemala that has been the primary cause of poverty and conflict. In 1964, 62% of the land lay in the hands of just 2% of the national population, whereas 87% of citizens barely had sufficient land for subsistence farming.

Since independence, the Guatemalan state apparatus has largely served the interests of the Guatamalan oligarchy, in effect becoming a guarantor of land and cheap indigenous labor. These guarantees have always been provided through the use of violence and the legal system.

In the “Guatemalan Spring” that began in 1944, the state began to serve the interests of the majority of its rural population, eventually introducing an agrarian reform program. However, in 1954 these reforms were quashed in a coup d’ etat, with the support from the United States of America.

The equal redistribution of the land was one of the main demands of numerous indigenous, peasant and guerilla movements that rose from the 1960s through the 1980s. Violent repression of these movements has allowed unequal land distribution to be maintained and expanded. As the post-conflict investigations by the Catholic Church and the United Nations established, land became a gain of the conflict.

After their accession to power in 1954 the army generals decided that the state apparatus should not only serve the oligarchy but also their own interests. One of their primary interests was land; their means to acquire it was through violence and laws, or what were euphemistically known as “development projects.”

An assembly to inform the community
If one explores the chronology of law drafting and violent events that engulfed the region it becomes very clear how the state usurped indigenous lands. For the locals, it became clear when they researched their case.

Ronaldo GuttiĂ©rez is the young “indigenous mayor,” the communitarian authority of Tzalbal. Wearing the typical red jacket emblazoned with black embroidery of the Ixiles, he explains to me in a quiet voice and broken Spanish that after the state representative left he called a meeting of the representatives of the other thirteen settlements. With the help of others, they investigated the case and decided they would organise a popular assembly to inform the whole community.

On October 6, the community hall fills with people and the sounds of Guatemalan marimba music. A painting remembering the atrocities of the conflict adorns the outside wall. About seven hundred Ixil are present, the majority of the men wear their typical straw hats, some wear their red jackets. A fair amount of women are also present, all wearing embroided blouses or huipiles and traditional traje skirts. Some, mainly older women, wear colourful ribbons knotted in their hair.

The laws of war
RamĂłn Cadena, a lawyer from the International Commission of Jurists, is one of the people that offered to help investigating the case of Tzalbal. At the assembly he explains that the root of the problem is a law called “Decreto No. 60-70,” passed in 1970 by General Carlos Arana Osorio who declared “the establishment of Agrarian Development Zones of Public Interest and National Urgency.” Quiche was one of many northern departments declared a “Development Zone.”

The “public interest” was the colossal project called the “Franja Transversal del Norte”—Northern Transversal Strip—which converted a group of generals and their allies into gigantic land owners. Together with the following “National Development Plans” of 1971 to 1982, these projects aimed to promote the production and exportation of petroleum, minerals, electric energy, monoculture crops, and precious timber in the north of the country.

It should be noted that the departments mentioned in these laws were also the ones that suffered most massacres. I was informed by the lawyer RamĂłn Cadena that these laws are the basis for the theft of the land and natural resources of the indigenous people. They are also the root of the war that was unleashed by the government of Guatemala against the peoples of Guatemala. State violence and repression were undertaken in parallel to the “Development Plans.”

Another law that sealed the destiny of Tzalbal is “Decreto Ley No. 134-83,” ordained in 1983 by General Oscar Humberto Mejia Victores. With this law, the army measured and territorially reorganized the Ixil region in order to establish the “model villages ” and legalize nationalization.

Like many other villages, Tzalbal was converted into a “model village” or “center of development.” Instead of the randomly scattered houses of an indigenous village, houses were rebuilt in a pattern where its inhabitants would be easy to control. The people that were not massacred and did not flee to the mountains, or who returned because they could not bear the harsh conditions in the mountains, were resettled in these villages. Many inhabitants refer to these villages as “concentration camps.”

‎”Civil Self-defense Patrols” or PACs, were established in the model villages. These were militarised civil vigilantes organized by the army. By 1985, more than a million men collaborated with the army in the PACs. Failure to participate flagged one as a suspect subversive, which often had lethal consequences.

In 1983, as ordered in Decreto Ley No. 134-83, the PACs of Tzalbal were forced to measure their land. In front of the whole assembly, a courageous man stands and explains how the army had promised them land if they would measure the boundaries. But they were cheated. The land was measured to be nationalized.

RamĂłn Cadena concludes that on May 11, 1984, the state officially dismembered the original land title of 1903 and seized approximately 1495 hectares of Tzalbal land.

The laws that legalized the usurpation of indigenous land, Decreto No. 60-70 and Decreto No. 134-83, are laws emitted during wartime; locals refered to them as “laws of war.” ?The peace accords were only signed in 1996. In a communiquĂ© released after their assembly, the communities demanded that their constitutional right to possess the land be reinstated.

History repeats itself…
After so many development projects, development laws and “centers of development,” the indigenous population of Guatemala is rather suspicious of any initiative that bears the name “development.” The gold mine in San Marcos department is said to bring development, as is the the cement factory in San Juan SacatepĂ©quez. Both seem to bring more development to its owners then to the local population.

The laws passed during the war remain in force, and other new laws have since been added which open opportunities in new territories or reinforce control over the land already seized. Such is the case with the Law for Public-Private Alliances, which allows the state to legalize land evictions for the sake of “public interest.” Under the Development Plan of the present government of President Álvaro Colom the economic development of the “Franja Transversal del Norte” continues, adding amongst other regions PetĂ©n rainforest and the Pacific Coast. The evictions of peasants and indigenous communities continue.

Mega-projects continue to flood Guatemala like the hydroelectric dams that are slated to inundate its indigenous lands. Such is the case with recently approved “Oregano” project, a hydroelectric dam that will inundate land of the Chortis living in the municipality of JocotĂĄn, near the Honduran border. Electric energy is indispensable for big industries like mining companies, oil refineries, and the massive monoculture plantations of sugar, oil palm trees, bananas or coffee. And of course one needs gigantic roads and a large infrastructure to transport all this produce.

The same unequal land distribution continues. According to the last census of 2003, almost 80 percent of the productive land remains in the hands of less then eight percent of Guatemala’s population of 14 million. More than 45 percent have not enough land for subsistence farming. Not surprisingly, half the population lives in poverty and 17 percent in extreme poverty.

And many of the same people remain in power. “It was Tito who was the commander of the army, he was the chief,” explains 20-year-old Lorena, in a low and preoccupied voice. Tito is seared in the collective memory as commander of the Nebaj military base in 1982 and 1983. “General Tito” is the local nickname of Otto PĂ©rez Molina—the presidential candidate who won the elections held on Nov. 6. A villager remembers: “It was he that obliged us to measure the land, he was in command when our land was stolen from us .”

The fear remains too. When one speaks of Otto Pérez, one does it anonymously.

Finally, the same indigenous peoples also remain, still fighting for their land. As Lorena insists, “We have natural resources to defend; as indigenous people we have a right to defend our water, our forests, our rivers.” Old Patricio RodrĂ­guez asserts that multinationals “should return to their own lands with the plans they have…”

In unity, the struggle continues
I am told Tzalbal is the first village to find out that their land was nationalized, and the first to publicly denounce this, and to demand, unconditionally, that their land be returned. Nonetheless, the case of Tzalbal is illustrative of what the conflict in Guatemala was about. This conflict was about land.

‎The methods used to acquire land in Tzalbal are also familiar. The natives of Tzalbal appear to be the unwilling actors in a drama that always seems to repeat itself in Guatemala. A drama which has run for more than 500 years where invaders—whether Spanish, military or “representative” democratic governments—steal the land of the indigenous peoples through laws and violence.

But the struggle of the communities persists. In the assembly, the words “worried” and “capitalism” are heard over and over. But the community hall is filled with a militant conviction. United, the gathered Ixiles shout, “We don’t want another master!,” “Overturn the law ! Give us back our land!”

When I ask Patricio RodrĂ­guez how he thinks they will recover their land, he responds, “through unity, through demonstrations, through national and international organizations concerned with our rights. We will get our land back, bit by bit, step by step.”

Gregorio, the man responsible for Tzalbal’s drinking water continues, “All together, we will go to congress, to the ministries, until they take us into account. As they stole from the community, they have to return the land, without any conditions, in the name of the community. Because it is unquestionable, the land is from our forefathers, from our great grandfathers that have passed away; they left the land to us as we are their children ” .

For safety reasons the names of the interviewees in Tzabal were changed.

—-

This story and accompanying photo first appeared Oct. 21 on Frauke Decoodt’s blog.

From our Daily Report:

Guatemala: president-elect accused in 1980s genocide
World War 4 Report, Nov. 8, 2011

Guatemala: thousands march against cement plant
World War 4 Report, July 29, 2009

See related story, this issue:

1954 REVISITED
Justice and Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala
by Paul Imison, Upside Down World
World War 4 Report, December 2011

See also:

GUATEMALANS RESIST MEGA-MINES, HYDRO-DAMS
by Nathan Einbinder, Environment News Service
World War 4 Report, April 2009

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Special to World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue Reading‘THIS LAND IS OURS!’ 

1954 REVISITED

Justice and Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala

by Paul Imison, Upside Down World

The news barely raised a murmur in the US media and the BBC covered it only fleetingly, but last week the Guatemalan government of Álvaro Colom formally apologized to the family of former president Jacobo Árbenz who was overthrown in a CIA-backed coup in 1954 and later died in exile in Mexico. The apology came after a lengthy case in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) that ended in a “friendly settlement” between the Guatemalan state and Árbenz’s heirs.

Through the settlement, the Guatemalan state recognizes its responsibility for “failing to comply with its obligation to guarantee, respect, and protect the human rights of the victims to a fair trial, to property, to equal protection before the law, and to judicial protection, which are protected in the American Convention on Human Rights and which were violated against former President Juan Jacobo Árbenz GuzmĂĄn, his wife, MarĂ­a Cristina Vilanova, and his children…”

The coup against Árbenz—one of the most infamous that the CIA executed during the Cold War—directly led to the brutal thirty-year civil war that left up to 250,000 Guatemalans dead or disappeared. The conflict saw a right-wing military dictatorship carry out a savage counterinsurgency against anybody vaguely associated with the “left,” including students, journalists and labor unionists, but particularly the country’s majority indigenous population. Some 83% of victims of the violence were indigenous Mayans. Death squads routinely massacred Guatemalan peasants, including women and children, in a strategy since classified as genocide by the UN-sponsored Historical Clarification Commission.

The great tragedy of the 1954 coup and all that followed is that the Guatemalan military and the CIA overthrew a democratically-elected reformist with the interests of the country’s impoverished majority at heart. Following the 1944 “October Revolution” that ousted the dictator Jorge Ubico, Guatemala had entered a politically progressive era known as the “Ten Years of Spring.” Jacobo Árbenz, elected in 1950 with 65% of the vote, took the liberal policies of his predecessor Juan JosĂ© ArĂ©valo a step further by promising to enact agrarian reform to raise the living standards of the primarily rural population.

The other great tragedy is that the coup against Árbenz came about at the whim of one major US corporation: the United Fruit Company, which since the early 1900s had been the largest employer in Central America, buying up vast tracts of land and wielding huge political sway in the region (the origin of the term “banana republic”). By the 1940s, United Fruit held controlling shares in Guatemala’s railroad, seaport, electricity, and telecommunications utilities. The company also owned some 70% of the country’s arable land, of which it utilized a mere 12%.

The agrarian reform passed by Árbenz gave his government power to expropriate only that land which was uncultivated and which belonged to estates larger than 672 acres; land that would then be allocated to individual families via agrarian councils. Árbenz offered compensation to United Fruit and other powerful landowners amounting to the value of the land claimed in their tax assessments, which were often hugely understated. A landowner himself through his wife, Árbenz gave up 1,700 acres of his own holdings in the process.

In response, the United Fruit Company sought to portray Árbenz as a communist and lobbied the US government to have him removed from power. Ironically, Árbenz had stated in his inaugural address as president that his aim was to transform Guatemala from “a backward country with a predominantly feudal economy into a modern capitalist state.” Unfortunately, the US Congress of the day contained many United Fruit shareholders, who were making a steal off the corporation’s dominance and opposed Guatemala’s moves towards economic independence.

The subsequent plot, known as Operation PBSUCCESS, was the brainchild of John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State, and his brother, head of the CIA Allen Welsh Dulles—both of whom happened to be shareholders in United Fruit. The inspiration was Operation Ajax, the elaborate and highly successful plot the CIA had used to overthrow Iran’s Mohammed Mossadegh – another democratically-elected reformist – a year earlier. Operation Ajax in fact became a template for many a CIA-backed coups in the following years—including the Bay of Pigs Invasion—and its execution is the origin of US-Iran hostilities that persist to this day.

The first move, as in Iran, was to convince the US press and public that Árbenz’s nationalist policies were the fruit of an alliance with the Soviet Union. Five years before the Cuban Revolution, Allen Dulles dubbed Guatemala a “Soviet beachhead in the western hemisphere.” In reality, the US later abandoned a post-coup plan called PBHISTORY intended to associate Árbenz with Moscow as they simply could not find sufficient evidence of an alliance.

Operation PBSUCCESS also utilized psychological warfare within Guatemala as the CIA hijacked the country’s airwaves to broadcast anti-communist messages and airdropped leaflets urging Guatemalans to turn against Árbenz. The Catholic Church viewed communism as “God’s enemy” and readily supported the coup. Árbenz resigned as president on June 27, 1954, after opportunistic generals, fearing a US invasion was imminent, turned against him. [A CIA-organized right-wing mercenary army did invade the country from Honduras, and US Air Force warplanes bombed the capital.—WW4 Report]

Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas, whom the US had replace Árbenz as president, was assassinated in 1957, but the Guatemalan military clung onto power for nearly 30 years—banning political opposition, labor unions and social movements, and waging a brutal war against dissidents of the regime, from rural peasants to the middle-class. Guerrilla groups such as the Armed Rebel Forces (FAR) sprung up in the 1960s but were powerless to bring down the regime, whose heavily-armed death squads were trained and funded by Washington.

After the UN Peace Accords of 1996 between the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) guerrillas and the National Advancement Party (PAN) administration of President Álvaro ArzĂș Irigoyen, the UN-backed Historical Clarification Commission attributed 93% of atrocities that took place during the civil war to the Guatemalan military and only 3% to left-wing guerrillas. The conflict left around 200,000 people dead and over 40,000 missing as well as creating some 1 million refugees.

Last week, in what The New York Times described as a “muted ceremony” in Guatemala City’s National Palace, President Álvaro Colom told Árbenz’s son Juan Jacobo: “That day [the coup] changed Guatemala and we have not recuperated from it yet. It was a crime to Guatemalan society and it was an act of aggression to a government starting its democratic spring.” In addition, the Guatemalan government will revise Árbenz’s legacy within the national school curriculum and he gets a highway and a hall of the National Museum of History named after him.

Ironically, Colom himself was elected on a progressive platform in 2007 as part of the social-democratic National Unity of Hope, but the masses who voted for him have since largely lost faith in his policies. Far from emulating the “Ten Years of Spring,” Colom’s tenure has seen the US-Central America free trade agreement (DR-CAFTA)—which Jacobo Árbenz would have fiercely opposed—have the same devastating effect on Guatemala’s rural population as NAFTA had on Mexico’s.

Although the constant and savage violence of the civil war is over, reports of human rights abuses by the military and the forced displacement of rural inhabitants are ever-present, while Guatemala is the second most dangerous country in the world for trade unionists after Colombia.

According to UN figures, roughly half of the country’s 13 million people live in poverty and 17% in extreme poverty. Despite the nation’s vast potential for food security, the neoliberal mentality prevails and a wealthy 5% controls 80% of farmland, an almost unperceivable change from the injustice that Árbenz and Guatemala’s liberal revolution railed against.

—-

This story first ran Oct. 28 on Upside Down World.

Resources:

An Apology for a Guatemalan Coup, 57 Years Later
New York Times, Oct. 20, 2011

Guatemala: Memory of Silence
Report of the Commission for Historical Clarification, 1999
Online at the American Association for the Advancement of Science

From our Daily Report:

Guatemala: president-elect accused in 1980s genocide
World War 4 Report, Nov. 8, 2011

See also:

GUATEMALA: GENOCIDE PLAINTIFFS TESTIFY
by Thaddeus al Nakba, Upside Down World
World War 4 Report, June 2008

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Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue Reading1954 REVISITED 

WILL ASEAN BETRAY BURMA’S PRO-DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT?

by Nava Thakuria, World War 4 Report

Burma’s elevation as the “would-be chair” of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has irked many—primarily the pro-democracy Burmese and their sympathizers in Asia. Terming the recent initiative of ASEAN to grant Burma the 2014 chair as “premature as the authorities have failed to fulfill key promises of reform,” a number of organizations argued that the “decision might even embolden them [the Burmese government] to continue committing human rights abuses with total impunity.”

“We call for ASEAN to keep its options open on reversing its decision on Burma’s chairing the regional bloc if the military-led government backslides on promises concerning human rights and democracy,” said the statement issued by the organizations. They also asserted that ASEAN’s decision to deliberately ignore the new war in Kachin state and escalation of military attacks in eastern Burma this year is a betrayal of its international and regional obligations to the wellbeing of ASEAN citizens. Southeast Asian leaders meeting in Bali for the 19th ASEAN Summit in November agreed to allow Burma to assume the chairmanship, and allow the country to host the annual meeting in 2014.

ASEAN’s move comes one year after elections were held in Burma for the first time since 1990. The National League for Democracy (NLD), Burma’s main opposition party, boycotted in protest of bureaucratic hurdles to candidate registration that assured a leading role to military-backed parties. Nonetheless, Burma has since then showcased some changes. As the military-ruled country was put under a semi-democratic regime, the government lifted the house arrest of opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Thousands prisoners, some of them NLD leaders, were also released from the jails. Recent reports from Rangoon reveal that Suu Kyi may contest a by-election in the coming days after completing formalities with the government.

The Burmese government led by the former general Thein Sein asked its pro-democracy activists in exile around the world to return to their country. Some of the exiles have reportedly returned, although many still have apprehension about the democratic commitment of the present Burmese regime.

The northeast of India, primarily the state of Mizoram, supports nearly 80,000 Burmese Chin people who have left their country fleeing repression. Some 20,000 other Burmese are living in India as laborers, domestic workers and petty vendors, suffering acute poverty and insecurity. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees officers in New Delhi has registered only few thousand Burmese refugees in India, facilitating some support to them. The Burmese government with its changing image wants the economic sanctions imposed by the US and various European nations to be lifted. Recently, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon accepted an invitation from Burma to visit the country in the near future. US President Barack Obama announced at Bali that his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will be visiting Burma in the coming days.

Nonetheless, the ASEAN decision to offer the chair to Burma invited criticism from various political observers who argued that the country should have been offered the opportunity only after the administration at Naypyitaw initiates significant democratic changes and improves its human rights record.

“The ASEAN leaders must be prepared to face the national and regional consequences of its premature decision, including increased displacement, undocumented migration and drug production that results from its ill-timed decision to grant Burma the 2014 chair,” added the statement, which was signed by the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, the Asian Centre for Human Rights, the International Federation for Human Rights, the South Asia Forum for Human Rights, the All Student and Youth Congress of Burma, All Women’s Action Society, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, the Asian Indigenous Women’s Network, the Burma Centre Delhi, the Forum for Democracy in Burma, the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma, the Women’s League of Burma, and others.

“We are extremely disappointed that ASEAN did not use the unique opportunity it had to influence the Thein Sein government to take meaningful steps towards democratic transition, peace, and national reconciliation,” asserted the statement.

Added Khin Ohmar, coordinator of Burma Partnership and chairperson of the Network for Democracy and Development: “ASEAN has never been a strong promoter of peace and democracy in Burma. Even in 2006 when Burma was due to take up the chair, it was under pressure from the West and not ASEAN itself that Burma forfeited its turn after Western nations threatened to boycott the bloc’s meetings.”

She charged that ASEAN’s decision also failed to take into consideration that the regime has not taken any steps to end the longest running civil war in the world, but has instead deployed more troops in ethnic-nationality areas, nor has it shown any willingness to engage in genuine and inclusive political dialogue with opposition forces in the country.

Human rights violations and atrocities in northeastern Burma have significantly increased since the supposed reformer President Thein Sein came to power in March 2011. Between August 2010 and July 2011, the Burmese regime forced at least 112,000 people—the highest estimate in a decade—to flee their homes in eastern Burma. In addition, over 20,000 fled their homes as a result of Burmese army offensives in Kachin state and northern Shan state. The government has released a few high-profile prisoners, but there are believed to be over 1,600 political prisoners still behind bars—despite the recent denials of Burmese Information Minister Kyaw Hsan that there are any political prisoners in Burma. The new parliament has refused to repeal oppressive laws that facilitated the imprisonment of political dissidents, and in fact adopted new restrictive laws that disenfranchise many activists convicted in the past.

Debbie Stothard, coordinator of Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma claims that narcotics production and trafficking continues to run rampant throughout Burma with active support of the regime. Speaking to this writer from Bangkok, Stothard asserted that Burma is the second largest producer of opium in the world. In some areas of Shan state under the control of the military-led government, opium cultivation has increased by nearly 80% within the last two years, creating a greater threat to the security of neighboring states, she added.

In short, these critics maintain, the Thein Sein government has embarked on a series of largely cosmetic changes with the aim of gaining international legitimacy—but the reality on the ground remains almost the same.

—-

Resources:

Western states dismiss Burma’s election
BBC News, Nov. 8, 2010

Meth madness behind Mekong massacre?
Global Ganja Report, Nov. 1, 2011

Burma prepares offensive against Shan State Army
Global Ganja Report, March 26, 2010

From our Daily Report:

Obama’s Australia deployment signals new cold war with China?
World War 4 Report, Nov. 19, 2011

See also:

INDIA-BURMA ALIGNMENT AGAINST ETHNIC GUERILLAS
New Delhi Betrays the Pro-Democracy Movement
by Nava Thakuria, World War 4 Report
World War 4 Report, October 2011

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Special to World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingWILL ASEAN BETRAY BURMA’S PRO-DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT? 

OCCUPY JUAREZ DEFIES REPRESSION

by Dawn Paley, Upside Down World

CIUDAD JUAREZ — On October 15, people all over the world responded to a call from Occupy Wall Street to join and become part of the movement. Folks from all walks of life who identify as part of the now famous 99 percent responded to the call, setting up tent villages and holding actions in public (and private) spaces around the globe.

In Ciudad JuĂĄrez, Mexico, a group of activists from various organizations, collectives and political persuasions got together and decided that they too would organize in response to the call, under the name Indignadxs de JuĂĄrez.* They held two events to coincide with the call on October 15, but were unable to set up a permanent, occupy-style camp.

“Here in JuĂĄrez, demonstrating is dangerous, the conditions don’t exist [to occupy],” said Gero Fong, a local activist and Indignado. “One of our intentions was to set up a permanent camp, but given our numbers it wasn’t possible.”

Instead of camping out, JuĂĄrez’s Indignadxs called for a series of actions. On November 1, they gathered again for a demonstration that was to include street theater and the symbolic wheat pasting of 9,000 paper crosses around the city, in memory of the over 9,000 people murdered here since 2008.

The police response to the November 1 demonstration quickly transformed into a national scandal. Police beat and arrested 29 people, among them activists, their supporters, and journalists.

“They threw me on the ground and between 10 and 15 officers started to beat me,” said Gerardo SolĂ­s, a secondary school teacher who was arrested in front of the police station while demanding the names of the detained. He was jailed overnight with the others. “They jailed me with the rest of the compañeros, and inside [the police] told me they were going to disappear me, that they have assassins working for them, that they’re going to disappear me, that they already knew that I’m a teacher and where I work, and that they would go after me,” he said.

The next evening, arrestees were released on bail amounting to approximately US$40. In the days following, there was increasing clarity on why the police repressed demonstrators so intensely.

“The population here feels helpless, and I think [the police] are exercising preventative repression,” said Fong. The collective, public attack on protestors must be understood in the context of the militarization of JuĂĄrez since early 2008, when 7,500 troops were deployed to the city, followed by thousands of federal police.

“I believe that Ciudad JuĂĄrez is being taken as an experimental city, this is the first place [in Mexico] that was militarized, this is where the assassinations began, where a series of bi-national policies have been experimented with, and now what they’re trying to do is apply repressive policies with the clear objective of introducing fear among those who protest and set the example that here there will be no protests,” said Fong, still sporting a black eye from the beating he received from police.

Long time JuĂĄrez activists say it is the first time in almost 20 years that so many comrades were beaten and jailed at once in a clear act of political policing.

“”[The police] showed its force against people it shouldn’t have, against us, the people who want this city to be in peace,” said Elizabeth Flores, who has been active in movements in JuĂĄrez since the early 1990s. “They don’t do this against delinquents, against those who are committing crimes in these moments.” Flores pointed to the economic system, unemployment, militarization and impunity as the root causes of the violence that the Indignadxs de JuĂĄrez are standing against.

When asked why the Indignadxs de JuĂĄrez are in the streets, Dr. Arturo Vasquez Peralta responded without hesitation, his words sharp and his face tight. “Nine thousand dead in Ciudad JuĂĄrez. Lack of investigation of those 9,000 dead. Lack of will to clarify those 9,000 deaths,” he said. For Peralta, the repression of the November 1 action is the sum of policies that have been used in Juarez for years, designed to send a message that protests will not proceed, under the threat of violence.

Regardless, in their first meeting after they were released from prison, the Indignadxs de Juarez decided that they will demonstrate again on November 26, crosses and wheat paste in hand. I asked Julian Contreras, a community activist, what it is like to organize in this kind of atmosphere.

“According to their logic, given the scale of the repression happening in this city, we should already be hiding under our beds trembling with fear, but that’s not what happens,” said Contreras.

“We’ve arrived to such a high level of violence, where people are cut into pieces and their bodies spread around the city, and we know that this is a state strategy: they can kill your family, your siblings, your in-laws, your friends, they can disappear you,” he said. “And you still go into the streets because you know there is no other option, because what is under threat isn’t you but the entire community.”

The fact that conditions are so difficult in Juarez has led to more unity among groups and movements, says Contreras, who points out that Zapatistas, anarchists, socialists, Stalinists, Trots, social democrats, NGOs, human rights organizations, and Christians have come together to protest. “That, on a national level, is inconceivable,” he said.

Regardless of this unity, Fong classifies the movement in Juarez as one of qualitative force rather than quantative force. “Numbers-wise, in our strongest moment we were 3,000 when we did a march because of a shooting of a student during a march for peace,” said Fong. “Our movement has since oscillated between 10 and 100 people, rising and falling, rising and falling.”

For Fong, Contreras, Flores, and others, there is no doubt that regardless of the fact that speaking out can be deadly, they will continue to stand up and resist militarization and the dominant economic paradigm.

“We haven’t managed to create a mass movement, but yes an important movement that denounces things that many people here are not ready to denounce because of fear,” said Fong.

*Indignadxs is a non-gendered way of referring to those participating in these movements. It was widely used to refer to those who participated in the protest encampments in Spain that preceded Occupy Wall Street.

—-

This story first ran Nov. 18 on Upside Down World.

See also:

OCCUPY TIJUANA TESTS RIGHTS
from Frontera NorteSur
World War 4 Report, October 2011

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Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Dec. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingOCCUPY JUAREZ DEFIES REPRESSION 

World War 4 Report at Ten

Dear Readers:

Ten years and four weeks ago, we launched the first edition of what would become World War 4 Report—initially as an e-mail list. The Bush White House was preparing for war in Afghanistan, and the air of my neighborhood in Lower Manhattan still carried the taint of devastation and death. We began as a sort of watchdog on media coverage and Internet rumors concerning the emergent Global War on Terrorism. We quickly evolved into a weekly news digest, launched a website, and changed our name from the original “World War 3 Report”—in recognition of analysis on the right and left alike that the GWOT is the Fourth World War, the Cold War having been the third. And we broadened our coverage of indigenous peoples’ and autonomy struggles, in recognition that this is also a war on the Fourth World—on stateless ethnicities, land-rooted peoples and localist political models.

Today we are a Daily Report, with ongoing coverage of struggles around the world, and a monthly E-Magazine providing more finished journalism and commentary, both original and reprints. The US remains in Afghanistan. While GWOT Pentagon doctrine called for a two-war capability, the US is now waging five wars—Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen and Libya. The Obama administration has abandoned the nomenclature of the “GWOT” in favor of the more clinical “Overseas Contingency Operations”; it has not limited the military’s global reach. But now, from the Arab world to Europe to South America to Oakland and Manhattan, the planet seems headed into a revolutionary situation.

We want to keep going. We feel like our mission is more vital than ever.

But after ten years, we are still struggling—both our iconoclastic positions and primitivist aesthetic doubtless costing us readers. While we refuse to compromise the first factor, we are working to address the second. For a year now, we have been awaiting a website redesign. But the professional website developer who volunteered his services has already designed our two new sibling sites—New Jewish Resistance, probably the only site on the web dedicated to fighting both Zionism and anti-Semitism, and Global Ganja Report, monitoring the cannabis industry and war on drugs. (With over 100,000 people behind bars in the US alone for nonviolent drug offenses, and the US still intervening in Latin America and elsewhere around the world in the name of narcotics enforcement, we make no apologies for treating cannabis as a serious political issue—it clearly is.)

But World War 4 Report is to remain our flagship site, and it remains (for all its vital material) stuck with a frankly clunky design. With our volunteer already overextended, we are coming to the conclusion that we may have to pay for this flagship site’s redesign.

Over the past ten years, a small handful of readers have responded consistently and/or very generously to our fund appeals. World War 4 Report is forever grateful to: Robin Lloyd, Iara Lee, George Caffentzis, Bert Golding, Victor Manfredi, Frank Connelly, Melissa Jameson, Paul Hixon, Israel Taub, Peter Lamborn Wilson, Lura Irish, Mark Sanborne, Robbie Liben, Laura Liben, Bob McGlynn, Sandy McCroskey, Brian Hill, David Wilson, Mitch Ritter, Lucie McAllister, David Rodriguez, Russell Bates, Brian Tokar, Ronald Bleier, Jonathan March, Mary Turck, Sabine Guez, Marcia Slatkin, David Mandl, Rosalind Boyd, David Massey, Judith Brisson, Alexis Lathem, Samer Darwiche, Doug Salzman, Urko Aiartza, Nabil Abraham, Judith Mahoney Pasternak, and Paul McIsaac. Please forgive us if we left anyone out.

But outside of this small and dedicated following, donations have been few, far between and (in recent years) dwindling. This fund appeal is specifically not directed to those listed above. We need to know that we have a following beyond this select coterie.

Help us make the leap to our redesign. Please help us to survive and grow. In a winter 2002 fund appeal we predicted that our dissident-left perspective in the spirit of Orwell would probably consign us to financial failure. Today, we remain marginal and struggling, but we have survived. If you are glad that we have done so, please ensure that we will be around to document, criticize and incite in the new world situation now in the making.

If you haven’t donated to World War 4 Report before—or not recently—please do so today. We are depending on you.

Thank you, shukran and gracias,

Bill Weinberg

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Continue ReadingWorld War 4 Report at Ten 

“THEIR CHILDREN ARE LIKE OUR CHILDREN”

The Mosque that Sheltered Jews

by Annette Herskovits, Turning Wheel

“Yesterday at dawn, the Jews of Paris were arrested. The old, the women, and the children. In exile like ourselves, workers like ourselves. They are our brothers. Their children are like our own children. The one who encounters one of his children must give that child shelter and protection for as long as misfortune—or sorrow—lasts. Oh, man of my country, your heart is generous.”

— A tract read to immigrant Algerian workers in Paris, asking them to help shelter Jewish children

There is in the center of Paris a handsome mosque with a tall slender minaret and lovely gardens. It was built in the 1920s, as an expression of gratitude from France for the over half-million Muslims from its African possessions who fought alongside the French in the 1914-1918 war. About 100,000 of them died in the trenches.

During World War II, when the Germans occupied France, the mosque sheltered resistance fighters and North Africans who had escaped from German POW camps. (The French had recruited 340,000 North African troops into the French army in 1939.) When the French police started rounding up Jews and delivering them to the German occupiers, the mosque sheltered Jews as well, most of them children.

The Nazi program called for eliminating all Jews, of any age. More than 11,600 Jewish children under 16, including 2,000 younger than six, were deported from France to be murdered at camps in eastern Europe. Still, 83% of the Jewish children living in France in 1939 survived. Most were “hidden”—that is, given non-Jewish identities to keep them out of the authorities’ reach. This required massive help from the French people.

Hiding children entailed a complex, extended organization. Rescuers had to get hold of the children, which often meant absconding them from detention centers or Jewish children’s homes in full view of the Nazi occupiers. They had to procure false papers, find shelter (in foster homes, boarding schools, convents), raise funds to pay for upkeep, and send the payments without attracting attention.

They had to keep records, in code, of the children’s true and false names and whereabouts, bring the children to their hiding places in small groups, and visit them regularly to ascertain that they were well treated. Many who participated in this work—both Jews and non-Jews—perished.

Innumerable French citizens provided aid of a less active kind: they remained silent, even when they suspected that children were fugitives. Many of the children were recent immigrants who spoke French with an accent and did not “look” French. A child might disclose his or her true name when surprised—or in defiance. Most at risk were very young children who needed repeated coaching.

I know this because I was a hidden child. When my parents were deported from Paris to Auschwitz in June of 1943, never to return, my 13-year-old sister and myself, just turned four, were in a foster home in the French countryside. With no more money coming for our keep and the danger to people sheltering Jews, our foster parents balked at keeping us. In the fall, I found myself hiding in a shabby Paris hotel room with my 17-year-old brother. My sister became a maid for a French family.

But by winter, thanks to my brother’s astuteness and courage, my sister and I were taken in charge by a clandestine child rescue network, a secular organization in which Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and communist men and women participated. The organization saved 500 children, including my sister and me. As for my brother, he survived by his wits.

I learned of Muslims who helped rescue Jewish children only recently, in the newsletter of Enfants Cachés (Hidden Children), an association of Jews who survived the Holocaust in France as children.

The mosque-based resistance network consisted of people from Algeria’s mountainous Kabylia regions. Kabyls are one of several North African groups who have preserved their Berber language and culture; the Berbers inhabited North Africa before the Arabs invaded and introduced Islam in the 7th century. At least 95% of Algerian immigrants to France came from Kabylia. In their networks, the Kabyls communicated in their Berber dialect, Tamazight, making infiltration almost impossible.

The soul of the network was the mosque’s rector, Si Kaddour Benghabrit, a man with three nationalities—Algerian, Moroccan, and French—who moved with ease in all three worlds, and whose Islam was tolerant and inclusive.

More than 1,700 people are thought to have found short-term shelter in apartments on or near the grounds of the mosque. Benghabrit set up an alert system that allowed fugitives to disappear swiftly in case of a raid—if necessary to the prayer room’s women’s section, where men were normally not admitted. He wrote numerous false birth certificates making Jewish children into Muslims.

Access to Paris’ sewers directly beneath the mosque’s grounds provided an escape path, as did the mosque’s proximity to the city’s central wine market on the Seine, where barges laden with wine barrels came and went. One woman recalled being taken out of Paris on a barge; a Kabyl at the helm took fugitives concealed in his cargo to the south of France, where they could be smuggled to Algeria or Spain.

The French League against Racism and Anti-Semitism has asked Israel’s Yad Vashem Institute to recognize Benghabrit as one of “The Righteous among the Nations,” a title honoring non-Jews who risked their lives to rescue Jews during the Holocaust. Benghabrit would be the first Muslim to earn this distinction.

***

In these times of mutual hatred, a hatred that is sustained by distorted views of the “other,” the story of Muslims saving Jewish children struck me as one Jews and Arabs especially should hear. This history strengthens my sense that mutuality and harmony make up the natural fabric of human relations. Division and cruelty are like torn places in that fabric. Surely, at certain times and places the tearing can be so thorough that it seems the fabric is not there. But that is an illusion.

My friend Mathis Szykowski, also a Holocaust survivor and a hidden child, testifies to this: “It must be said and repeated that in any account of survival, there are many people who will help, at great risk to themselves, people who appear almost mysteriously, whom you trust instinctively. No one can survive such circumstances by themselves. So it becomes obvious that in life as in death, we are all interdependent.” A human being whose mind has not been distorted by ideology will instinctively help another in danger, especially a child.

Again and again over the years, I have heard stories of help that appeared unexpectedly, almost mysteriously, during those dark days. A friend recalls that when she was 11, living in Czechoslovakia, her parents were taken away by the Gestapo. By chance, she and her nine-year-old sister had been left behind, so they went to Gestapo headquarters themselves and told the guard they wanted to be reunited with their parents. The guard said “Go away!” several times, speaking softly so as not to be overheard, until they left. Somehow they survived. The SS guard had saved their lives.

Enmities between peoples come and go depending on intricate historical, psychological, and economic forces. Political powers will conceal or twist reality to suit their own ends. For most of the 1,400 years since Islam’s birth, Jews and Muslims lived in relative harmony in Arab lands.

Like the Christians, Jews were dhimmis (protected people): Islam protected their lives, property, and right to worship. Jews enjoyed no such rights in the Christian world until the French Revolution. To be sure, dhimmis were placed below Muslims—they had to pay a special tax, could not ride horses, etc.—but the application of these restrictions varied; with enlightened rulers, the Jews prospered.

In his book Le PassĂ© d’une Discorde: Juifs et Arabes du VIIe SiĂšcle Ă  Nos Jours (The Days Before the Breach: Jews and Arabs from the 7th Century to Today), Israeli historian Michel Abitbol writes about “the historical drama which, in less than half a century, ended two thousand years of Jewish life in the Arab countries.” And he describes the “resplendent Judeo-Arab civilization, one whose inexhaustible intellectual and religious riches nourished the entire Jewish world until the dawn of modern times.”

***

On July 16, 1942, Paris police set out to arrest 28,000 Jews on orders of the French Vichy collaborationist government. They had in hand names and addresses, obtained from a census of Jews the Germans had ordered soon after they occupied France. That day and the next, the police fanned out through the city, packing the arrested Jews into requisitioned city buses. They found only 13,000—largely because some police officers had spread the word ahead of time and many Jews had fled. More than 4,000 children aged 2 to 16 were among those arrested.

On the second day, a tract was circulated through the miserable hotels that were home to immigrant Algerian workers. The tract, in Tamazight, was read out loud to the mostly illiterate men: “Yesterday at dawn, the Jews of Paris were arrested. The old, the women, and the children. In exile like ourselves, workers like ourselves. They are our brothers. Their children are like our own children. The one who encounters one of his children must give that child shelter and protection for as long as misfortune—or sorrow—lasts. Oh, man of my country, your heart is generous.”

We can’t know how much help these men were able to give.

***

Most of the children captured in that July raid were taken with their mothers to camps near Paris. There, French police used truncheons and water hoses to separate mothers from the younger children.

The adolescents and their mothers were taken to Drancy (the French camp from where trains departed for the east) and then deported to Auschwitz. The 3,500 younger children left behind had been taken on the initiative of Vichy’s prime minister, Pierre Laval—the Germans had not requested it. The Vichy government waited for Berlin to authorize their deportation. When approval came, the children were packed into boxcars, each with a few adults. All were killed in the gas chambers on arrival.

The thought of such moments of ultimate darkness used to obscure the entire world for me. As I have pieced together the many stories I have heard and read over the years, I became able to simultaneously see light shining in many places. The story of the Muslims who saved Jewish children is one that affirmed that vision.

The words of the Kabyl tract read to poor immigrant men taught me to trust whispers of unity: Those dead children are like myself. They are like my own children. So are the Israeli children killed in bombed-out buses. So are Iraqi children lost as “collateral damage” and the million Palestinian children who every day must struggle with fear—of Israeli soldiers with machine guns, tanks, bulldozers, helicopters, rockets—and the many dead and wounded among them.

With gratitude to Derri Berkani, whose film Une Resistance Inconnu: La Mosquée de Paris introduced me to this story.

—-

This article initially appeared in Turning Wheel, the journal of the Buddhist Peace Fellowship, and later ran in the February 2005 edition of the San Francisco Bay Area’s Street Spirit.

Resources:

International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism
http://www.licra.org

From our Daily Report:

Paris: 1961 massacre of Algerians commemorated —and officially denied
World War 4 Report, Oct. 21, 2011

See also:

THE MOSQUE CONTROVERSY —IN CHINA
by Sarkis Pogossian, World War 4 Report
World War 4 Report, September 2010

HOLOCAUST DENIAL IN THE ARAB WORLD
Why It Is On the Rise
by Gilbert Achcar and Pierre Puchot, Mediapart
World War 4 Report, January 2010

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Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Nov. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue Reading“THEIR CHILDREN ARE LIKE OUR CHILDREN” 

CO-RESISTANCE VS. CO-EXISTENCE

by Maath Musleh, Ma’an News Agency

For decades, many powers worked on portraying the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a problem of co-existence. Millions have been pumped into co-existence projects, projects that have just reinforced relations between the oppressor and the oppressed.

If any had had a little time to read history, they would know that Palestine was actually the land of co-existence for hundreds of years.

It’s the land that hosted the Armenians when they were massacred by the Turks. It’s the land that embraced the Jews who were oppressed in Europe. And the co-resistance that takes place daily here is a clear example that there isn’t any co-existence problem. The real problem is Zionism.

Zionism is not only the enemy of the Palestinians and Arabs, but also, the enemy of the Jews worldwide.

A lot of Jews who were born with Israeli citizenship have realized that Zionism and the Israeli regime is their enemy. It’s our common enemy. Thus, the trend of co-resistance has been evolving for years in Palestine. Jews carrying Israeli citizenship have been part of the popular resistance taking place in Palestine. Co-resistance is a danger to the state of Israel.

Even the mainstream media has been avoiding recognizing those activists as Israelis. The Israeli media refers to them as just “Anarchists.”

Co-resisting with Israeli citizens has been also a sensitive topic in the Palestinian community. A lot of activists fear to fall in the trap of normalization. The basis to this fear is true. The PA and its supporters tried on several occasions to counter Palestinian activists that diverted from the PA’s political path with rumors. They used the fact that Palestinian activists co-operate with their Israeli counterparts to spread distorted rumors of their involvement in normalization work. The involvement of the left Zionists in several demonstrations has added more vagueness to the issue.

We have to be open about the subject now more than ever. We have to set the standards for our co-resistance. Yes we do co-operate with the Jewish citizens of the State of Israel. But the standards of this co-operation are clear. We work together with every Israeli that opposes Zionism and fully recognizes the Palestinian rights, freedom, equality, and the right of the return.

Together with them we co-resist the Israeli occupation and the Zionist enemy. Together we call for the rights of the Palestinians that have been disregarded not only by Israel and western powers, but also by Arab regimes. Some Arab regimes have either prioritized their business interests or just simply lost belief in the possibility of achieving the full Palestinian rights. We still have the belief.

And those rights are indivisible. These are basic human rights. You either believe in it, or you don’t. Freedom, equality, and the right of the return.

As Zionism is also the enemy of the Jews, those Israelis have the right to resist it. Those activists are not only there for solidarity. It’s also their war. The Palestinians who try to portray the co-resistance as normalization have to first go down to the front line and resist. We have nothing to hide. Our work of co-resistance is under the sun. It’s not underground. And we oppose co-operating with the leftist Zionists who take part in demonstrations or call themselves peace activists.

Those left Zionists do not care about the Palestinian rights. They just understood that the occupations’ and settlers’ practices will harm their Zionist dream, a dream that disenfranchises the Palestinians of their rights in their homeland.

The State of Israel clearly does not speak for the Jews. Its practices have started a new wave of hatred towards the Jews worldwide. To help end that wave, the anti-Zionist Jews should file a lawsuit against the State of Israel to forbid it from speaking in the name of Jews. A lot of them have said it before, “Not in our name.” But this shout should be louder. And legal actions should be taken. The concept of co-resistance will continue to grow larger.

The anti-Zionist Israeli activists are heroes and their courage is admirable. Those activists have been marginalized in their own communities. They went through a lot of troubles. They have been always on the front lines. They have been beaten up, shot at, and arrested. They come week after week knowing that they put their own lives in danger. They do it because they have the belief, the belief in rights and humanity.

They have principles, and for that I respect them a lot more than many of my people who have given up. Yes, we co-operate with those activists. They’re our comrades. And this is co-resistance.

—-

Maath Musleh is a Palestinian from Jerusalem and an activist in the Palestinian youth movement. He is a freelance social media consultant and producer.

This story first appeared July 14 on Ma’an News Agency

Resources:

New Jewish Resistance
http://newjewishresistance.org

From our Daily Report:

Israelis march in Jerusalem for an independent Palestine
World War 4 Report, July 16, 2011

See also:

ISRAEL & PALESTINE: COMBATANTS FOR PEACE SPEAK OUT
by Bassam Aramin, Sara Burke and Yaniv Reshef, Peacework
World War 4 Report, January 2010

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Reprinted by World War 4 Report, Nov. 1, 2011
Reprinting permissible with attribution

Continue ReadingCO-RESISTANCE VS. CO-EXISTENCE