Amnesty International Philippines executive director Ritz Lee Santos III stated: “We are deeply alarmed at the obstruction of justice and chaotic scenes witnessed at the Philippines Senate… It is hugely concerning that fellow Senators and others appear to have assisted him in evading arrest and in delaying the execution of the arrest warrant—effectively facilitating his escape for now.”

The ICC confirmed on May 11 that it issued an arrest warrant for dela Rosa. The senator is charged as an indirect co-perpetrator of the crime against humanity of systematic murder under Article 7(1)(a) of the Rome Statute, stemming from his connection to former President Rodrigo Duterte’s “war on drugs.”

The warrant against dela Rosa was issued confidentially in November 2025. Rumors subsequently spread that the ICC was building a case against dela Rosa, as well as seven other co-perpetrators of Duterte’s campaign of murder war. Following these reports, dela Rosa disappeared from public view. He re-emerged May 11 to participate in a consequential Senate leadership vote. He apparently fled the chamber after spotting Philippine government agents waiting to arrest him, and spent two days barricaded in the Senate building. The senator escaped the building after gunfire erupted on May 13. No casualties have been reported, but his present whereabouts are now unknown.

The senator, who previously served as chief of the Philippine National Police, is considered a close ally of Duterte. The former president was arrested in March based on an ICC warrantand has had his charges confirmed, thus clearing the way for the opening of the trial process. Duterte is also accused of crimes against humanity stemming from the “war on drugs,” during which death squads were allegedly used in the extrajudicial killing of tens of thousands of suspected narcotics dealers and users since 2016, many of whom were minors.

The specific allegations cited by the dela Rosa arrest warrant are that under his command, “Philippines’ law enforcement, sometimes with the assistance of persons who were not part of the police such as non-police assets and paid hitmen, killed no less than 32 persons—alleged criminals, such as alleged thieves, or people allegedly involved in drug-related activities—at various locations in the Philippines.” While the case focuses on these 32 deaths, the actual toll during dela Rosa’s service in Duterte’s anti-drug drive is believed to number in the thousands.

Human Rights Watch has praised the case against Duterte, stating: “The ICC case reflects the determination of victims and their families to advance justice against all odds and dangers.”

The Philippines was a signatory to the Rome Statute from November 2011 until March 2019, when its withdrawal took effect. Despite the Philippines’ withdrawal from the treaty, the ICC maintains jurisdiction over international crimes committed within the country between November 1, 2011, and March 16, 2019. The charges against dela Rosa concern his time as the chief of the National Police from July 2016 to April 2018.

From JURIST, May 15. Used with permission. Internal links added.

The Duterte case is discussed in our podcast “Trump to The Hague! III”

Photo: Tony Webster via Wikimedia Commons

According to the OHCHR, at least 300,000 people originating from 66 countries are currently forced to work in these operations. Hundreds of thousands of individuals have been trafficked into scam operations primarily in Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar and the Philippines.

The report states that the scam industry in the Mekong region alone is worth an estimated $43.8 billion a year, fueled by the rapid expansion of digital and cryptocurrency-based finance. Victims describe being held in “immense” compounds, some over 500 acres, which function as self-contained towns guarded by “uniformed and armed security personnel” and fortified with “barbed wire-topped high walls.”

The OHCHR said the treatment endured by individuals forced to work in scam operations is alarming. Survivors interviewed by the UN described confiscation of passports, confinement in guarded compounds, beatings, threats against family members, sexual abuse, food deprivation, and psychological coercion. One survivor recounted being punished for attempting to assist others, saying: “They put a gun to my head, handcuffed me, and made me hang by one arm in a dark room for a whole day.” Another reported being told that daily scam targets had to reach the equivalent of thousands of US dollars to avoid punishment.

The UN rights office noted that many victims were recruited through fraudulent job advertisements or personal contacts promising legitimate work in customer service, technology, or online marketing. Nearly three-quarters of survivors interviewed said they were unaware that scam compounds existed before being trafficked. The trafficked individuals are often misidentified as perpetrators during law enforcement raids.

The UN linked the rapid expansion of cyber-scam compounds to economic vulnerabilities, unsafe migration pathways, corruption, weak labor protections, and gaps in cross-border law enforcement cooperation. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the growth of these operations, as organized crime groups reportedly shifted toward digital fraud schemes requiring large, controlled workforces.

The OHCHR called on governments in the region and beyond to strengthen victim identification mechanisms, ensure access to remedies and rehabilitation, enhance safe migration channels, and improve international cooperation. The office also urged stronger oversight of digital platforms and financial systems that facilitate online fraud. The report situates the crisis within international legal obligations, including the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.

Criminal syndicates are now deploying Artificial Intelligence (AI) to scrape social media for vulnerable targets, generate multilingual scripts, and produce deepfakes for impersonation purposes. The UN has stated that these operations often exist under an “umbrella of impunity.” UN investigators have decried the “performative” nature of some recent law enforcement raids, noting that operations often “promptly resume or relocate” shortly after enforcement actions. This impunity is sustained by “state-embedded actors” who are ranked as the most prevalent type of criminal actor globally.

As the international community looks toward the United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention in 2026, the report serves as a “call to action” for states to move beyond “siloed responses” and adopt a unified global strategy against what has become one of the “gravest threats to humanity.”

From JURIST, Feb. 21. Used with permission.

Burma’s agent Ko Ko Hlaing emphasized Burma’s recognition of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention & Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, but said the country did not breach any of its obligations under international law. He stated: “A finding of genocide would place an indelible stain on my country and its people. These proceedings are of fundamental importance for my country’s reputation and future.”

He noted that the military operations carried out in northern Rakhine state in 2016 and 2017 were counter-terrorism operations, and were not carried out with genocidal intent. Furthermore, he rejected the claim that Burma denies the existence or rights of the Muslim population in northern Rakhine state. But he added: “Myanmar considers that Bengalis in northern Rakhine State are culturally, ethnically and religiously part of the same group as the population living immediately across the border in Bangladesh.”

Stefan Talmon, an international law professor at the University of Bonn, also spoke on behalf of Burma. Professor Talmon’s argument rested on the high burden and standard of proof for establishing a breach of the Genocide Convention. He argued that the Gambia, which brought the case against Myanmar, must meet the highest standard of proof, “beyond a reasonable doubt.” Talmon additionally questioned the validity of the Gambia’s argument on the grounds that it does not follow precedent established in the Bosnia v Serbia and Croatia v Serbia cases. He asserted that the Gambia’s argument is inductive, as opposed to the deductive approach used in the prior cases.

The ICJ has traditionally set a high bar for establishing genocide. The only time it has found a violation of the Genocide Convention was regarding the Srebrenica genocide during the Bosnian war. However, the court held that Serbia only breached its obligation to prevent genocide but had not directly committed genocide.

The Gambia’s case alleges that Burma’s armed forces have conducted widespread and systemic “clearance operations” against the predominantly Muslim Rohingya population with genocidal intent. Violence in northern Burma has led to over a million Rohingya displaced to in a Bangladeshi refugee camp. The case opened in November 2019, when the Gambia brought proceedings against Burma under to the Genocide Convention. In 2020, Burma was ordered to halt and prevent all genocidal acts against the Rohingya.

The Gambia’s case against Burma is the first instance in which a state not affected by the facts at issue has brought proceedings under the Genocide Convention. The case serves as important precedent for South Africa’s application against Israel, which charges that Israel’s actions against Palestinians amount to genocide.

From JURIST, Jan. 17. Used with permission. Internal liniks added.

See our last reports on the Rohingya, the ICJ case, the parallel ICC investigation, and the Srebrenica genocide.

Note: This report originally used the country’s new rendering of Myanmar. We changed it to Burma in conformity with our style, which we explain here.

Photo: VOA via Jurist

In Sudan, the WHO reported that over 100 people, including 63 children, were killed Dec. 4 when drone strikes attributed to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) hit a kindergarten and nearby hospital in South Kordofan. Paramedics and responders were also struck as they tried to help the wounded. In Myanmar’s Rakhine state, a military airstrike on Dec. 11 destroyed the Mrauk-U general hospital, killing at least 31 people and wounding dozens more. It was the 67th attack on a healthcare facility in Myanmar this year, according to the WHO.

Attacks on healthcare facilities killed a record 3,600 people in 2024, mainly in Gaza, Ukraine, Lebanon, Myanmar and Sudan. This year is on course to surpass that toll. In Gaza alone, at least 917 people were killed by Israeli attacks on healthcare facilities between Oct. 7. 2023 and June 11, 2025.

From The New Humanitarian, Dec. 12. Slightly edited, internal links added.

Recent years have also seen attacks on healthcare facilities in Syria, South Sudan, Yemen, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka.

Photo: Myanmar Now

The scale of the disaster reflects a dangerous mix of climate pressures. Warmer oceans are intensifying storms, while a hotter atmosphere is capable of holding and releasing far more moisture. Environmental degradation—particularly deforestation and weak flood-defense systems—has left many communities exposed: rivers once stabilized by forest cover burst their banks with little resistance. Humanitarian groups are urging governments to strengthen early-warning systems, invest in resilient infrastructure, and prioritize long-term adaptation—all of which makes the disappointing outcomes of this year’s UN climate summit even more worrying.

From The New Humanitarian, Dec. 5

See our last reports on UN climate process and the mega-storm phenomenon.

Photo: town in Sri Lanka after Cyclone Ditwah. Credit: UNICEF/InceptChange via UN News

James Rodehaver, the head of OHCHR’s Myanmar (Burma) team, highlighted the dilemma facing civilians, noting that the military pressures citizens to vote while armed opposition groups threaten retaliation for participating. Although the junta claims to have pardoned 4,000 individuals convicted of sedition, Rodehaver said that only around 550 have been verified as released, with many subsequently rearrested. Authorities have detained over 100 individuals under new “election protection rules,” including three youths sentenced to 49 years in prison for displaying posters featuring a bullet-pierced ballot box.

Rodehaver also raised concerns about the electronic-only voting system, which relies on AI and biometric surveillance, further eroding trust in the electoral process. Large parts of the country remain beyond military control, making credible elections infeasible. Elections will not occur in 56 townships under martial law, and in 31 townships, voting will not take place at all. Discrimination also looms large in the electoral process, with Rohingya, Tamils, Gurkhas and Chinese, among other minorities, effectively excluded from voting.

The UN Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, labeled the elections a “charade” in his October report, urging the international community to “unequivocally reject” them. Andrews criticized the junta’s reforms as merely “cosmetic” and aimed at preserving military dominance. Since the February 2021 coup, the junta has detained over 30,000 political opponents, including former leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Authorities have dissolved at least 40 parties, including Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD).

Burma’s electoral framework spurs concerns for international law. Article 25(b) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) guarantees every citizen the right “to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections” conducted by universal and equal suffrage, by secret ballot, and in an atmosphere of free expression.

Last month Human Rights Watch also urged global leaders to denounce Burma’s military junta and its planned elections, describing the process as a “sham.” HRW further recommended that states intensify diplomatic isolation of the nation’s military rulers and increase humanitarian and refugee assistance.

Critics of the electoral process in Burma have been arrested and sentenced to hard labor. Elections initially scheduled for August 2023 were postponed, with the junta instead extending the state of emergency.

From JURIST, Nov. 29. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Note: This report originally used the country’s new rendering of Myanmar. We changed it to Burma in conformity with our style, which we explain here.

Photo: Burmese Border Guard officer with IDPs in Rakhine state. Credit: Daniel Schearf & Zinlat Aung/VOA via Wikimedia Commons

In documents released Sept. 22, prosecutors accuse Duterte of directing killings from 2011 to 2019, first as mayor of Davao City and later as president. They allege that as mayor he established “liquidation squads,” collectively known as the Davao Death Squad, and expanded such operations nationwide after taking office as president in 2016.

The filing details 49 specific murder allegations, though human rights organizations estimate more than 12,000 suspected drug users and dealers were killed during the campaign’s first 18 months alone. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have concluded the widespread killings constituted crimes against humanity.

Victims were predominantly from poor families, and included those targeted in “Operation Tokhang” house-to-house sweeps. Prosecutors claim Duterte promised financial rewards for killings and assured perpetrators they would face no consequences, citing his public statements encouraging police to “go out and kill” suspected criminals.

Rights groups have documented a pattern of police fabricating incident reports and planting weapons and drugs on victims’ bodies while claiming self-defense.

Although killings have decreased under current President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., drug-related police killings continue to be reported.

The Philippines withdrew from the ICC in 2019 following the investigation’s launch, but the court maintains jurisdiction over crimes committed before the withdrawal took effect. Duterte was arrested by Interpol in Manila in March, and turned over to the ICC at The Hague, Netherlands.

The documents released this week constitute the prosecution’s formal presentation of evidence and legal arguments, requesting that ICC judges confirm the charges. The charges must be approved before trial can proceed.

From JURIST, Sept. 23. Used with permission.

See our last report on the case against Duterte.

Photo: OSeveno/WikiMedia

Montse Ferrer, Amnesty International’s regional research director, stressed that international law demands alternatives to compulsory military service for conscientious objectors. He stated: “Netiwit’s refusal to participate in this outdated system should urge Thai authorities to reform the country’s legal framework to allow alternative services, as required by international human rights law and standards.”

A report released by Amnesty International in 2020 exposed rampant violations during Thai military training. All 19 recent conscripts interviewed reported or witnessed physical beatings, including slaps, kicks, and assaults with sticks, boots, helmets and gun butts.

Netiwit’s indictment stems from his refusal to cooperate with conscription in April of last year, an act of civil disobedience against a military long criticized for documented abuses. In a 2016 interview with War Resisters’ International, Netiwit condemned Thailand’s lack of provisions for conscientious objectors, widespread class-based evasion of the draft, and the mistreatment of transgender women during recruitment. He described conscription as an “attitude adjustment program” designed to enforce obedience.

Conscription, mandated by Article 73 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2007, requires men aged 21 to join the military through a lottery. According to the WRI, drawing a red card means two years of mandatory service. Refusing conscription can lead to three years in prison.

Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights (ICCPR) protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The UN Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 22 also affirms that conscientious objection to military service is part of these freedoms. Punishing objectors without offering alternatives violates international standards, and advocates warn that reform is long overdue in Thailand.

From JURIST, Sept. 6. Used with permission.

Photo: Khaosod. Signs read “Change Thailand” and “Change military conscription”

Spikes in the price of food and fuel since the start of the Ukraine war in 2022 have contributed to popular privation and unrest worldwide. But the spark for the Indonesia eruption brings together questions of labor conditions for app workers and the reign of automotive terror on urban streets across the planet. These questions have sparked popular protest in recent years from New York City to China to Italy and Bangladesh. Consciously making the connections between these questions points to the potential for global revolution against car culture and robotocracy as well capitalist austerity.

Image via Twitter

The report stated that 17 monks, community activists and human rights defenders have been improperly arrested, convicted and sentenced for exercising their rights to freedom of religion or belief, expression, association, peaceful assembly or participation in cultural life. Some detainees were reportedly tortured or mistreated during pretrial detention.

The cases stem from a series of arrests and violent raids on sites linked to the Tro Nom Sek Temple in Vinh Long province. The Buddhist temple has resisted pressure to join the state-sanctioned Vietnam Buddhist Sangha, which has resulted in partial demolition of temple structures, disruption of Khmer language classes, and forcible defrocking of monks, as well as the targeting of human rights defenders documenting these events.

Urging compliance with international human rights standards, experts called on Vietnam to recognize and protect the rights of indigenous peoples, religious minorities and human rights defenders. They pressed officials to end reliance on vague security provisions against these groups and ensure access to legal counsel, family visits and adequate medical care for detainees.

The Khmer Krom, an indigenous group in the Mekong Delta, have long reported discrimination, restrictions on religious practice, and limits on cultural and linguistic rights, with defenders facing intimidation, arbitrary detention and disproportionate sentencing. Similar concerns were raised with the government in 2021 and 2022.

From JURIST, Aug. 25. Used with permission.

Image: Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization-UNPO