Human Rights Watch (HRW) urged Magyar’s incoming government to take immediate steps to restore democratic norms in Hungary. The organization called for the swift dissolution of the Sovereignty Protection Office, a body established in 2023 with broad powers to investigate journalists, civil organizations, and academics that receive foreign funding. HRW also pressed for an end to emergency decree powers that have allowed Orbán’s executive to bypass the parliamentary process since 2020.

HRW urged the incoming government to drop criminal charges against Budapest Mayor Gergely Karácsony, who is being prosecuted for holding the city’s Pride March last June in defiance of a ban imposed by Orbán’s government, and against Géza Buzás-Hábel, organizer of the Pride march in Pécs.

Orbán’s measures against dissent of course mirror those of Vladimir Putin, and indeed his defeat diminishes an emerging pro-Russian bloc on the continent, also including Slovakia and (outside the EU) Serbia and Belarus. The fall of Orbán is expected to free up a €17 billion loan to Ukraine that his government had effecitvely blocked.

However, Péter Magyar is a creature of the center-right, and a former Orbán ally. His Respect & Freedom (Tisza) party broke from Fidesz in 2020, in response to Orbán’s growing authoritarianism. His proclivities are fundamentally conservative, and he may not mean a full de-Orbánification. In a bad sign, Magyar on April 15 held what the Israeli Foreign Ministry called a “warm introductory phone call” with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, pointing to a continuity in ties. Orbán’s Hungary and Donald Trump’s United States are the only two countries Netanyahu has been able to safely visit since the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for his arrest to face war crimes charges in November 2024.

Nonetheless, among those around the world taking courage in the fall of Orbán are the Israeli protesters who have mounted a campaign of militant demonstrations against Netanyahu and his wars. (Jurist, JP, PRI, EuroNews)

Sidelined by the world media spotlight, a more stark struggle with stakes just as high for the survival of democratic norms is emerging in the South American nation of Peru. As Hungarians voted, so did Peruvians, in a crowded field of 35 candidates following years of political chaos that have seen 10 presidents in as many years. Leading the field was Keiko Fujimori, perennial candidate of the hard-right Fuerza Popular.

Keiko is the daughter of ex-dictator Alberto Fujimori, who shamefully died a free man in December 2024, having been released from prison after 17 years following a pardon for his convictions for corruption and human rights abuses. The younger Fujimori remained an unabashed supporter of the elder to the very end, and her potential election promises a reversal of the process of de-Fujimorification that Peru has undergone since the fall of his eight-year period of strongman rule in 2000.

A decision on who Keiko Fujimori would face in a run-off was delayed by several days after the National Office of Electoral Process (ONPE) found that a private contractor failed to deliver ballots to dozens of polling stations across the province of Lima, preventing more than 52,000 citizens from voting on time. One of her two leading contenders, former Lima mayor Rafael López Aliaga, alleged widespread fraud and called for the vote to be annulled. The EU election observer mission reported that it had found no evidence of fraud. But tension mounted as López Aliaga’s supporters mobilized to the street.

López Aliaga, known by his appropriate nickname “Porky,” is also a figure of the hard right, although of a more Catholic bent than Fujimori, and has similarly run on pledges of a harsh crackdown on soaring crime and the narco economy. In an echo of Trump’s Alligator Alcatraz, he has proposed building penal colonies in the Amazon rainforest, surrounded by moats filled with vipers.

López Aliaga has not dropped his demands for annullment, but it now emerges that Fujimori will face a contender from the left in the June 7 run-off. This is Roberto Sánchez Palomino of Juntos por el Perú. Sánchez is the political heir of imprisoned ex-president Pedro Castillo, a political outsider of campesino origins whose 2021 election shook up Peru’s establishment. Castillo’s ouster and detention by order of Congress the following year ended his contentious rule and sparked weeks of protests that were met with massive deadly repression. Sánchez, who had served in Castillo’s cabinet, similarly ran with strong support from rural Andean regions, traditionally excluded from Peruvian politics, and similarly wears a traditional campesino sombrero.

There is a sense of deju vu here, as Keiko Fujimori has made it as far as a presidential run-off in 2011, 2016 and 2021. During the first run, she brought in Rudolph Giuliani as “national security advisor.” In the second run (taking place five months before Trump was first elected here in Gringolandia), she was defeated by the center-right Pedro Pablo Kuczynski after Verónika Mendoza, the left-wing candidate who was bumped out of the race in the first round, threw her support behind him to avoid a re-Fujimorification of the country. As persident, it was Kuczynski who pardoned Alberto Fujimori, in a betrayal of the progressive-minded Peruvians who had helped elect him.

With the center now having effectively collapsed in Peruvian politics, this kind of outcome, at least, is excluded from possibility. However, a win by Keiko Fujimori on her fourth try for the presidency portends a far worse outcome. (Americas Quarterly, Jurist, France24, France24, AFP, Reuters)

Peru may seem far removed from the world stage compared to Hungary, but the Great Powers are definitely playing their chess game here as well. Florida Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar has called on Peru’s next government to “take back” the Chinese-controlled port of Chancay, portraying the deep-water facility as a military threat to the hemisphere. Salazar, chair of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, said during a hearing on April 16 that Washington must help Peru wrest the megaport from Chinese hands. “The new Peruvian government, which will be elected next June, must take it back, that port, take it back, and the United States will help them,” Salazar said.

She argued that the port, just up the coast from Lima, has “dual usage” potential, meaning it could shift from commercial to military operations, allowing Chinese submarines, warships and aircraft carriers to operate from Peru’s territory. (SCMP)

Even a new President Fujimori would be unlikely to take this bait from Washington, as China, like the US, is a free-trade partner of Peru and top investor in its lucrative mineral sector. But there’s much contention about Chinese versus North American influence in the country. The last interim president, José Jerí, who had faced a wave of Gen Z protests last year, was finally removed by Congress this February following unregistered meetings with two Chinese businessmen. The incumbent interim president José María Balcázar is of the left, and popular anger at Peru’s traditional political class is palpable.

Whether it is the populist left of Sánchez or the populist right of Fujimori that prevails in June, the Great Power pressures on Peru will remain. The implications for Peru internally, however, will be very different—and this also has regional implications, as the right has made recent electoral gains throughout Latin America: just over the past months, in Chile, Bolivia and Costa Rica. A new right-authoritarian bloc is emerging, just as the Trump regime is launching new adventures in gunboat diplomacy.

Hopefully, Peru will not be the next addition to this bloc. But a Fujimori victory could mean a fatal blow to Peru’s deeply troubled democracy. A Sánchez victory, on the other hand, would heighten the social contradictions in Peru—with both opportunities for a more meaningful democracy, and dangers of a backlash from the conservative establishment.

Photo: Wikipedia

Burma’s agent Ko Ko Hlaing emphasized Burma’s recognition of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention & Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, but said the country did not breach any of its obligations under international law. He stated: “A finding of genocide would place an indelible stain on my country and its people. These proceedings are of fundamental importance for my country’s reputation and future.”

He noted that the military operations carried out in northern Rakhine state in 2016 and 2017 were counter-terrorism operations, and were not carried out with genocidal intent. Furthermore, he rejected the claim that Burma denies the existence or rights of the Muslim population in northern Rakhine state. But he added: “Myanmar considers that Bengalis in northern Rakhine State are culturally, ethnically and religiously part of the same group as the population living immediately across the border in Bangladesh.”

Stefan Talmon, an international law professor at the University of Bonn, also spoke on behalf of Burma. Professor Talmon’s argument rested on the high burden and standard of proof for establishing a breach of the Genocide Convention. He argued that the Gambia, which brought the case against Myanmar, must meet the highest standard of proof, “beyond a reasonable doubt.” Talmon additionally questioned the validity of the Gambia’s argument on the grounds that it does not follow precedent established in the Bosnia v Serbia and Croatia v Serbia cases. He asserted that the Gambia’s argument is inductive, as opposed to the deductive approach used in the prior cases.

The ICJ has traditionally set a high bar for establishing genocide. The only time it has found a violation of the Genocide Convention was regarding the Srebrenica genocide during the Bosnian war. However, the court held that Serbia only breached its obligation to prevent genocide but had not directly committed genocide.

The Gambia’s case alleges that Burma’s armed forces have conducted widespread and systemic “clearance operations” against the predominantly Muslim Rohingya population with genocidal intent. Violence in northern Burma has led to over a million Rohingya displaced to in a Bangladeshi refugee camp. The case opened in November 2019, when the Gambia brought proceedings against Burma under to the Genocide Convention. In 2020, Burma was ordered to halt and prevent all genocidal acts against the Rohingya.

The Gambia’s case against Burma is the first instance in which a state not affected by the facts at issue has brought proceedings under the Genocide Convention. The case serves as important precedent for South Africa’s application against Israel, which charges that Israel’s actions against Palestinians amount to genocide.

From JURIST, Jan. 17. Used with permission. Internal liniks added.

See our last reports on the Rohingya, the ICJ case, the parallel ICC investigation, and the Srebrenica genocide.

Note: This report originally used the country’s new rendering of Myanmar. We changed it to Burma in conformity with our style, which we explain here.

Photo: VOA via Jurist

Serbian police have recently escalated their use of force to dismantle street blockades and curb large-scale protests denouncing the government and demanding snap parliamentary elections. On July 3, authorities stated that Serbian police detained 79 demonstrators during nationwide rallies in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš, and Novi Pazar. For the past eight months, students, opposition groups, and civil society organizations have organized persistent anti-corruption demonstrations.

Protests first erupted in the Balkan state following the November 2024 collapse of a Novi Sad railway station canopy that claimed 16 lives, an event that was widely seen as emblematic of years of government negligence. Since June 28, tens of thousands of students and supporters have erected barricades across major urban intersections, staging silent blockades at 11:52 AM  CET—the exact time of day when the Novi Sad railway station canopy collapsed.

Police have repeatedly cleared these encampments. According to witnesses, riot police last week attacked participants with baton charges that left four students hospitalized, leading O’Flaherty to condemn the “excessive use of force” and “arbitrary detentions.”

President Aleksandar Vučić, who remains in power until 2027, has framed the demonstrations as foreign‑backed “terror” plots, praising security forces and rejecting calls for early elections.

As EU scrutiny intensifies over demonstrated human rights violations, the student‑led uprising underscores a broader struggle over democratic governance. Ongoing repression may hinder Serbia’s EU accession bid that formally began in 2012, and reaffirm calls—domestic and international—for electoral reform and institutional accountability.

From JURIST, July 5. Used with permission.

Photo: VOA via Wikimedia Commons

But the conference, hosted by Israel’s Ministry of Diaspora Affairs & Combating Antisemitism, revealed a systemic alliance between Netanyahu’s Revisionist Zionism and the neo-fascist right. Even Anti-Defamation League leader Jonathan Greenblatt (whose organization faced criticism over its exoneration of Elon Musk’s Inauguration Day Nazi salute as an “awkward” gesture) and the increasingly Islamophobic French philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy boycotted the event in protest of the prominent place given to far-right figures. To his credit, British Chief Rabbi Ephraim Mirvis also cancelled.

Jordan Bardella, president of the French National Rally party, gave a keynote address at the confab, in which he blamed rising anti-Semitism in Europe on migration, and more specifically Muslim migration, saying: “Islamism is the totalitarianism of the 21st century.” This formulation (and especially use of the article “the”), of course, seeks to dismiss the threat still posed by the totalitarianism of the 20th century—fascism.

Panels had predictable names like “How Progressivism Fell Captive to Antisemitism” and “How Radical Islam Fuels Antisemitism in the West.”

Also on hand was Marion Maréchal, grand-daughter of Jean-Marie Le Pen, founder of the National Rally’s predecessor party the National Front—and a notorious Holocaust revisionist. This of course comes as Marine Le Pen, the old man’s daughter and (alarmingly) frontrunner in the 2027 French presidential race, has been barred from running upon her conviction on charges of embezzling EU funds for her campaign. (Yet another case of a European country taking pre-emptive legal action to prevent a far-right authoritarian from coming to power, which the United States so dramatically failed to do last year.) Unless she prevails on appeal, Bardella is likely to take her place as the National Rally candidate.

Also prominently featured was David Friedman, US ambassador to Israel during Trump’s first term. Asked by the moderator about Trump’s plan to remove Palestinians from Gaza, Friedman said: “I love it! I love it. And I think it’s doable.”

Other figures from the European far right attended from the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and Hungary. Most telling was the appearance by Milorad Dodik, president of the Bosnian Serb Republic—just after a Bosnian court requested an international arrest warrant for him over his separatist policies and defying orders of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia’s central government.

During the conference, Dodik spoke out defiantly against the warrant, telling reporters: “The Muslims from Sarajevo, they want to punish me because I came here to Israel, supporting Israel. They are misusing the judiciary and the prosecutor’s office…”

True to fascistic form, Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli demonized internal dissent to the conference, calling Israel’s center-left Haaretz newspaper a “beacon of lies and anti-Zionist propaganda,” adding that “Haaretz and others like them do not represent the Jewish people.”

Even former ADL head Abe Foxman, for whom criticism of Israel has been heretofore virtually verboten, said: “I don’t think it is appropriate to have representatives of far-right parties in Europe coming to Jerusalem to meet with the Jewish community and together develop a strategy to fight anti-Semitism when they are part and parcel of the problem of anti-Semitism.” (Reuters, NBC, The Media Line, ToI)

In an attempt to appease criticism of the conference, President Isaac Herzog offered a compromise—a private meeting with world Jewish leaders at his home the night before the main event, without the far-right figures. Fortunately, this failed to mollify the boycotters. (ToI)

Is it necessary to point out the multiple converging ironies here? The Islamophobic anti-immigrant invective spewed forth by Bardella perfectly mirrors that employed against Jews in Western Europe and the US yestercentury. Friedman’s enthusiasm for forced relocation of the Palestinians has obvious echoes in what was inflicted on the European Jews in World War II and its prelude. And have we really already forgotten how Serb “ethnic cleansing,” forced internment and massacre of the Bosnian Muslims in the war of the 1990s was at the time assailed as redolent of the Holocaust?

Dodik presumably didn’t even return to Bosnia from Israel before arriving in Moscow to seek Putin’s shelter from the arrest warrant against him in his own country. (This was reported by Radio Free Europe, which the Trump regime is now conveniently seeking to shut down.)

And Netanyahu himself immediately after the conference flew to Budapest to meet with Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, darling of Putin, Trump and the re-emergent forces of international fascism (yes). Orban hosted Bibi over the protests of both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which urged that the Hungarian leader have his guest arrested, in compliance with the warrant against him issued by the International Criminal Court for war crimes in Gaza. (DW)

Image via frgdr Blog. Hebrew lettering in background spells names of places in Europe where Jews were exterminated.

Despite the resignations of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević and other cabinet ministers, students launched the new protest, demanding the publication of documents relating to the November 2024 disaster, and a budget increase for higher education. Protesters have also been demanding the resignation of President Aleksandar Vučić.

In a meeting at Sremska Mitrovica, Vučić, who has been holding counter-rallies in his support, said that the student demands were already met, calling the protests a “failed color revolution.” Vučić added that there would be no special elections, but that at least half of the cabinet ministers would be replaced.

On Nov. 1, at least 14 people were killed after the roof above the entrance of a recently renovated railway station collapsed in Novi Sad, Serbia’s second-largest city. The disaster sparked widespread protests, with accusations of corruption directed at the city mayor and the central government.

Serbia has been facing anti-government protests for over a year now. In December 2023, protesters rallied across the country against the results of controversial general and local elections. The current protests mark the most important political deadlock in the country since the demonstrations that resulted in the resignation of Slobodan Milošević in 2000. In a parallel to Milošević, Vučić’s rule has been marked by accusations of authoritarianism, ties to the criminal underworld, and widespread corruption.

From JURIST, Feb. 16. Used with permission.

Photo of January Belgrade protest: Emilija Knezevic via Wikimedia Commons

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The protests mobilized after Vučić’s government signed an agreement with the European Commission last month calling for multinational mineral giant Rio Tinto to move ahead with the Jadar Valley lithium project in the west of the country. The pact comes under the rubric of the European Green Deal, with the lithium to be used in batteries for electric vehicles. But local farmers are opposing it on environmental grounds, fearing contamination of their lands and waters, and have won broad popular support. (Balkan Green Energy News, Balkan Insight, Reuters, Al Jazeera)

See our last reports on the global struggle for lithium, and anti-mining resistance in the Balkans.

Photo: Balkan Green Energy News

Speaking of the Serb protesters along Kosovo’s northern border, Vučić said they were his “brothers and sisters,” and that he would continue to fight for them.

Kosovo President Vjosa Osmani described the situation along the border as very dangerous, and warned that “the lives of our policemen, [NATO mission] KFOR soldiers, [EU rule-of-law mission] EULEX personnel, and above all civilians may be at risk.”

The head of the UN Mission in Kosovo, Caroline Ziadeh, welcomed the barricade removal, while stressing “the importance of upholding commitments and resuming talks to fully address outstanding issues and normalize relations without delay.”

The dispute along Kosovo’s northern border is just the latest in a series of events that have drawn international concern in the disputed territory, including a wave of attacks on journalists stationed in the area. Tensions have risen in Kosovo’s north between minority Serbs and majority Kosovar Albanians over recent political developments, most notably Kosovo’s plan to phase out Serbian-issued license plates.

NATO maintains around 4,000 peacekeepers and support staff in Kosovo.

From Jurist, Dec. 29. Used with permission.

Photo: Marco Fieber via e-International Relations

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Photo via EU Political Report