Commenting on the gravity of this decision for victims of crimes against humanity, Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s regional director for West Africa, stated: “Withdrawing from the ICC amounts to a headlong retreat by these governments from their international law and justice obligations. It will also further imperil civilian lives and further enshrine impunity for crimes under international law.”

The three countries recently formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a mutual defense and economic confederation that seeks to reject the political influence of the Western powers. In September 2025, the countries won international criticism when they announced their decision to exit the Court. Justifying this decision, a joint communique was issued, in which they branded the ICC an instrument of neo-colonialism and selective justice, saying they chose to defend their national sovereignty against what they termed Western imperialism.

On June 18, Niger became the first of the three to formally submit its written instrument of withdrawal to the UN secretary general, in accordance with Article 127 of the Rome Statute. Six days later, Burkina Faso and Mali followed suit. Pursuant to the rules of the Rome Statute, a country’s withdrawal takes effect a year after submission of the formal notification. Before the AES made its sudden announcement of collective withdrawal last September, other countries had recently withdrawn from the international court, including Burundi and the Philippines.

The AES countries are currently engaged in coordinated military actions to beat back surging jihadist offensives, which have resulted in massive civilian casualties across their shared borders. The Sahel war has contributed to an ongoing humanitarian crisis in the region, and resulted in multiple massacres and extrajudicial killings committed by state security forces and paramilitaries with Kremlin ties (overseen by Moscow’s Africa Corps), as well as by insurgent groups.

Women and girls live in a climate of fear due to the sheer scale of gang rapes, abductions, sexual slavery, and forced marriages orchestrated by armed groups and unaccountable actors. With internal judicial systems effectively paralyzed, the ICC presented a mechanism for justice in the region. The AES has proposed an alternative Sahel Criminal Court for Human Rights, to be based in Mali.

From JURIST, July 4. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Photo: Mali Government Information Center via Morning Star

Commenting on the large scale of atrocities committed against civilians in Mali, senior Sahel researcher at Human Rights Watch, Ilaria Allegrozzi, stated:

As fighting flares up again, the warring parties in Mali are once again carrying out grave abuses against civilians, repeating former patterns of harming civilians… All parties are obligated to respect international humanitarian law, take all feasible steps to avoid civilian harm, and facilitate access to humanitarian aid.

The crisis in Mali began in January 2012, after a Tuareg separatist rebellion in the north allied with Islamist armed groups and seized much of the country’s territory, later to be driven back. However, a sudden intensification of violence began this April after the al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam & Muslims (Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or JNIM) formed a pact with Tuareg fighters of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a faction with which they have had a rocky relationship, to carry out attacks across Mali.

Although they have formed a temporary alliance, the two insurgent have differing ideologies and aims. JNIM seeks to establish an ultra-conservative Islamic state across the Sahel region, whereas the Tuareg separatists are fighting for the independence of their homeland in Mali’s north, which they call Azawad. In response to their new alliance, the Malian armed forces have carried out drone strikes that resulted in multiple fatalities. The armed forces and militia groups are also believed to have carried out reprisals against Fulani communities, who are stigmatized as JNIM collaborators. Russian fighters from the Africa Corps (formerly the Wagner Group) have also participated in atrocities.

Human Rights Watch criticized all sides in the conflict for contributing to the mass suffering of the civilian population, noting abuses such as publicly executing civilians, burning vehicles, and conducting military operations that have killed non-combatants, including children. In September 2025, JNIM cut off the entry of fuel supplies into Mali, blocking and attacking tanker-truck convoys from neighboring countries and killing truck drivers, triggering severe shortages that halted transport, disrupted education and electricity, and paralyzed daily life in the capital Bamako.

The prohibition on deliberately killing civilians during armed conflict is codified under Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, and is considered a jus cogens norm, which is non-derogable in nature.

From JURIST, June 30. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Map: PCL

The DRC accused Rwanda of bearing direct responsibility for years of violations, including massacres, displacement, and atrocities in the easternmost parts of the DRC, which directly border Rwanda. The application concerns “abuses attributable to Rwanda over a period extending from 1996 to the present day,” the ICJ said in a statement, confirming it had received the DRC’s application to initiate proceedings.

The case comes after years of worsening tensions, with the Congolese government repeatedly accusing Rwanda of supporting armed groups operating in eastern DRC, particularly the M23 rebel group, which has seized large areas of territory in recent years. Rwanda has denied backing the group.

The DRC stated that the abuses have “primarily targeted Hutus present on Zairian, and subsequently Congolese, territory following the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994” in Rwanda. However, the filing added that other Congolese ethnic groups, including the Nyindu, Bembe, Nande, Lega, Hunde and Bashi, have also been targeted.

“The civilian populations of eastern DRC have been victims of massacres, extrajudicial executions, acts of torture, sexual violence, forced displacement, and discrimination,” the Congolese government said in its statement, describing suffering amongst the locals as of an “exceptional magnitude.”

The eastern DRC has been trapped in cycles of violence for decades. The region has seen a proliferation of armed groups, and civilians have often been caught between rebel forces, government troops, and foreign-backed militias. Millions of people have been displaced, while many communities have faced repeated attacks.

From JURIST, June 29. Used with permission.

Note: Last September, a report prepared by a Fact-Finding Mission of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights’(OHCHR) documented a string of atrocities in in the eastern DRC since late 2024 involving the M23 rebels, the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC), and government-allied militias such as the Wazalendo. The report found serious violations of international humanitarian law, possibly rising to the level of war crimes and crimes against humanity. (Jurist)

Photo: ICJ

From The New Humanitarian, June 26. Lightly edited, internal links added.

Map: PCL

Reporting on his visit to the CAR, Nononsi noted that despite the mostly peaceful electoral process that took place in December, the country continues to face instability due to attacks by armed groups against civilians, tensions involving nomadic pastoral communities, and spillover consequences of the conflict in Sudan. The reported attacks include forced displacements, extortion, and conflict-related sexual violence against women and girls.

The UN expert called on authorities to bring the perpetrators of rights violations to justice, and urged international partners to back CAR authorities’ efforts in combating violence and restoring security. He commended the significant role played by the Special Criminal Courtand called for its increased independence, as well as providing more support for national human rights institutions, including the National Human Rights Commission and the Truth, Justice, Reparations & Reconciliation Commission (CVJRR).

During his visit to the CAR, Nononsi met with senior representatives of the country’s authorities, UN agencies, civil society organizations, and international partners. He will present his detailed findings and recommendations in a full report to the UN Human Rights Council.

The Central African Republic has been struggling with an internal conflict between armed groups and government forces, in addition to general poverty and escalating climate hazards. In March 2025, the UN reported grave human rights violations committed by armed groups against civilians, which included torture, looting, and sexual violence against women and girls. The attacks in Haut Oubangui region, in the southeast of the country, mainly targeted Muslim communities and Sudanese refugees and asylum-seekers.

From JURIST, June 2. Used with permission.

Note: The report comes nine years after a peace accord that officially put an end to the CAR’s internal conflict.

Map via Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection

The rights organization emphasized that hostage-taking and the abduction of civilians are prohibited under international law.

The call comes weeks after armed groups from the Kuki and Naga communities reportedlyabducted more than 48 civilians in Manipur’s Kangpokpi and Senapati districts following an ambush by unknown armed men that killed three church leaders. The church leaders had recently participated in efforts to facilitate dialogue between Kuki and Naga groups in neighboring Nagaland. Kuki leaders blamed the slayings on the Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), a Naga insurgent organization, sparking the inter-communal violence.

While 12 Naga and 16 Kuki captives have since been released, local organizations report that several civilians remain in captivity. Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM), the apex body representing Kuki tribes in the state, stated that 14 Kuki civilians continue to be held by Naga groups. The possibility of a broader release appeared to diminish when the United Naga Council (UNC), a representative body for Naga tribes in Manipur, withdrew a proposal to release the remaining Kuki captives. The organization said the planned release had been cancelled due to the “prevailing sentiment of the Naga public,” and maintained that six Naga civilians being held by Kuki groups must first be released.

Conrad K. Sangma, president of the National People’s Party (NPP), which forms a part of the ruling coalition in Manipur, has urged both sides to ensure the immediate and unconditional release of all civilians being held. Sangma stated that the release of the remaining captives could serve as an important step toward reconciliation and lasting peace in the conflict-affected state.

Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have criticized Manipur state authorities and the Bharatiya Janata Party-led central government for failing to adequately protect civilians and prevent further violence. The group warned that the continued detention of civilians by armed groups underscores broader security concerns in Manipur, where ethnic tensions have fueled recurring violence and displacement since 2023.

The conflict has displaced more than 60,000 residents and resulted in at least 200 deaths since it broke out in May 2023, according to rights groups and government figures. Homes, businesses, villages and places of worship have been damaged or destroyed during successive waves of violence.

The violence has drawn condemnation from both domestic and international rights groups, which have repeatedly urged authorities to restore security and ensure accountability for abuses committed during the conflict. In February 2025, the government of India imposed an emergency state of “president’s rule” in Manipur following months of political instability and security concerns. The measure ended in February 2026, when Yumnam Khemchand Singh of the BJP assumed office as chief minister. However, incidents of violence and insecurity have continued in the state.

From JURIST, June 5. Used with permission.

See our last report on the struggle in Manipur.

Photo: Asia Media Centre

The 2006 violence began when the criminal organization Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) launched coordinated prison rebellions and attacks on public officials after authorities transferred hundreds of suspected gang members to maximum-security prisons. The attacks included prison riots, shootings, and assaults on police and public facilities. During this period, 59 police and prison officers were killed.

According to human rights organizations and victims’ families, police officers and death squads carried out a retaliatory campaign that resulted in more than 500 deaths and at least four enforced disappearances. The victims were disproportionately young Black men from low-income communities, and many had no known connection to the criminal group whose attacks triggered the violence.

The UN experts’ statement comes weeks after rights organizations Conectas Direitos Humanos and the Independent Mothers of May Movement submitted an urgent appeal to the United Nations. The groups alleged that Brazil has failed to adequately address the crimes. They charged that authorities have not guaranteed victims’ “rights to memory, truth, reparations and non-repetition.” They also reported that many mothers and relatives affected by the violence continue to face poverty and social vulnerability because of the lack of state support and accountability.

The Mothers of May movement was formed by mothers and relatives of those killed during the violence. It first emerged after the death of Edson Rogério Silva dos Santos at the hands of police in São Paulo. His mother, Débora Maria da Silva, became one of the movement’s leading advocates for accountability. For two decades, the group has sought the reopening of investigations, the prosecution of those responsible, and reparations for victims and survivors.

The UN experts warned that denying justice on procedural grounds would reinforce impunity for racialized police violence. They noted that people of African descent continue to experience disproportionate levels of police violence in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and other Brazilian cities.

The experts also linked the anniversary to wider concerns about accountability for violence against marginalized communities in Brazil. Earlier this year, UN experts described the upcoming trial of individuals accused of orchestrating the 2018 murders of Rio de Janeiro city councilor and human rights defender Marielle Franco and her driver, Anderson Gomes, as a test of Brazil’s ability to confront racism, discrimination and violence.

From JURIST, June 1. Used with permission. Internal links added.

See our last report on Brazil’s favela wars and the prison crisis in Latin America.

Photo: Conectas

A company based in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has hired and transported hundreds of Colombian private military contractors to Sudan to fight for the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in a report released May 25.

The recruitment of Colombian private military contractors further demonstrates the UAE’s role in providing support to the RSF, which has been repeatedly accused of atrocities in Sudan, said Mausi Segun, executive director of the Africa Division at HRW. Since 2024, Abu Dhabi-based security company Global Security Services Group (GSSP) has hired hundreds of Colombian private contractors to send to Sudan. HRW found that the recruits all passed through a UAE military base in Ghiyathi and an apparent private military facility in Al Wathba, both in the Emirate of Abu Dhabi.

The report also raised concerns over the use of children in the armed conflict. An interviewed Colombian contractor trained RSF recruits at its main base in South Darfur. The contractor reported that a number of the recruits were underage. The Geneva Convention prohibits the recruitment and use of children under 15 in active armed conflict. The UN Secretary-General’s office has verified 16 cases involving child recruitment by the RSF, and included the armed group in the UN “list of shame” for grave violations against children in conflict.

According to HRW, the GSSP and UAE authorities have not responded to its allegations. However, the UAE has long denied any military support to the conflicting parties in Sudan.

The rights group called on the international community, including the EU, to press the UAE to end its support for the RSF by suspending military cooperation and arms sales. Segun added: “Other countries need to stop accepting the UAE’s blanket denials of support to the RSF, which fly in the face of the facts, and should put an end to its impunity for war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

Sudan’s Foreign Ministry has also accused the UAE of supporting the RSF, and attempted to bring the UAE before the International Court of Justice for its alleged complicity in acts of genocide carried out by the RSF in Darfur. However, the court refused to hear the case for lack of jurisdiction, noting that the UAE reserved the jurisdictional clause when it signed the Genocide Convention.

The Sudanese army and the RSF have engaged in a civil war for the last three years. The Sudan war has caused one of the greatest humanitarian crises on Earth. Some 34 million people in Sudan require urgent humanitarian assistance, the UN recently warned.

From JURIST, May 27. Used with permission.

Map: PCL

It is alarming to learn he has returned to combat without any investigation into the allegations. The RSF leadership must remove Abu Lulu from the battlefield and from their ranks immediately, and he must be investigated for the war crime of wilful killings.

The rights organization also called for the RSF to end attacks on civilians and allow them safe passage to flee the ongoing violence.

The Sudanese army and the RSF have engaged in a civil war for the last three years, causing one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, and mass killings. Al-Fatih Abdallah Idris AKA “Abu Lulu” was arrested in late October 2025 by the RSF following global outrage from a viral video appearing to show him executing unarmed civilians.

The 15 captives were killed during the RSF’s takeover of El Fasher city in the Darfur region. A UN report found that the RSF was responsible for at least 6,000 deaths in the two days preceding the execution of the civilian captives, with 1,400 deaths reported to have taken place along the city’s escape routes. The UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission into the Sudan war also concluded that the mass killings by the RSF during the takeover of El Fasher were consistent with the markers of genocide.

Reuters conducted an investigation this year, and reported that multiple sources confirmed that Abu Lulu was released from detention and returned to the battlefield. Among other sources, a Sudanese intelligence official and another RSF commander witnessed him on a battlefield in Kordofan in March.

A spokesman for the RSF-led parallel government, known as the Sudan Founding Alliance (TASIS), denied that Abu Lulu had been released. In a statement to Reuters, Ahmed Tugud Lisan said the claim was “untrue, malicious, and completely false.”

From JURIST, May 21. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Map: PCL

Map: PCL