Instead of banning political parties and jailing people for expressing their opinions, the authorities in Burkina Faso need to open up space for civil society, including humanitarian actors, respect the exercise of freedom of association and expression, and lift bans on the activities of political parties, in accordance with their international obligations and commitments.

The rights chief further urged the government to repeal its restrictive laws, allow unimpeded humanitarian assistance to those in need, and unconditionally release those arbitrarily detained. Türk’s office stated that the authorities’ actions have “sharply constricted civil society’s activity in the country, inconsistent with international human rights law.”

Burkina Faso’s military-led government dissolved all political parties on Jan. 29 and repealed the laws governing their operation. This followed a government review finding that “the proliferation of political parties has led to abuses, fueled divisions among citizens and weakened the social fabric.”

In September 2022, Captain Ibrahim Traoré took control of the country after staging a successful coup. While Traoré immediately suspended all independent political activities, and cancelled promised elections in September 2023, the new government decree goes further by dismantling the legal framework supporting multiparty democracy altogether.

Human Rights Watch stated Feb. 4 that in multiple West African countries, including Burkina Faso, military juntas have consolidated power by postponing democratic transitions, banning political opposition, and expelling international bodies. The rights group urged these countries to comply with their obligations and protect human rights.

From JURIST, Feb. 6. Used with permission.

Map: Perry-Castañeda Library

This new breakaway bloc has deepening ties to Russia, which maintains paramilitary forces in the AES countries under the rubric of the Wagner Group or Africa Corps. These forces are increasingly accused of atrocities, with Malian refugees in Mauritania reporting rapes, beheadings and mutilation of civilians at the hands of Russian mercenaries. The Africa Report online publication recently said it had “infiltrated” the Wagner-linked Telegram channel, finding 322 videos and 647 photographs of atrocities, including severed heads and gouged-out eyes, and posts “laced with racism.” (AfricaNews, BBC News, LAT, The Telegraph)

Alarmingly, these atrocity reports come just as the AES has collectively withdrawn from the International Criminal Court.

Photo: Présidence de la République du Mali

Touray emphasized that the declaration is not symbolic, but a call for collective action to restore confidence in governance and protect citizens from deepening insecurity. ECOWAS leaders stressed the urgent need to safeguard democracy and the rule of law, warning that unchecked coups could unravel decades of regional integration efforts. The bloc reaffirmed its “zero tolerance” policy for unconstitutional changes of government, pledging stronger sanctions and coordinated security measures.

Since 2020, several military coups d’etat have taken place in West Africa, including Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea and Guinea-Bissau. A coup attempt was launched Dec. 6 in Benin, but was thwarted by Nigerian military intervention. A regional crisis is driven by armed insurgencies, economic hardship, and weak institutions, creating viable ground for military rule. Analysts warn that the erosion of constitutional governance undermines the credibility of democratic institutions and threatens long-term stability.

The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, to which each ECOWAS member state is a party, contains multiple articles addressing rights violations which may arise from a coup d’etat. Article 1 obliges governments to recognize and uphold the rights and freedoms contained in the charter. Article 13 guarantees a citizens’ right to “participate freely in the government of his country, either directly or through freely chosen representatives.”

From JURIST, Dec. 11. Used with permission.

See our last report on the coups d’etat in West Africa.

Map: World Sites Atlas

Under Article 127 of the Rome Statute, a state party may withdraw by submitting written notification to the UN Secretary-General. Withdrawal becomes effective one year after receipt of the notification, and until then the withdrawing state remains bound by the statute. The announcement did not specify when the formal notice would be delivered.

The ICC, based in the Hague, was established in 2002 to prosecute individuals accused of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. African governments have frequently criticized the court, noting that its investigations have disproportionately focused on African leaders and conflicts. Multiple African governments in 2017 announced a “strategy of collective withdrawal” from the ICC, with South Africa, Gambia and Burundi leading the way. However, the prior two later reversed course, with only Burundi following through on withdrawal.

The withdrawal marks another step in the three Sahel nations’ broader realignment. In recent months they have suspended cooperation with regional bodies, and expelled French troops while deepening ties with Russia.

The decision by the three nations comes amid an ongoing security crisis in the Sahel region, where armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are waging brutal insurgencies, carrying out attacks against civilians as well as security forces. Human rights groups have accused state security forces of committing extrajudicial killings and other serious abuses in counter-terrorism operations.

From JURIST, Sept. 23. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Image: Wikipedia

As President, I must act to protect the national security and national interest of the United States and its people. I remain committed to engaging with those countries willing to cooperate to improve information-sharing and identity-management procedures, and to address both terrorism-related and public-safety risks. Nationals of some countries also pose significant risks of overstaying their visas…which increases burdens on immigration and law enforcement…and often exacerbates other risks related to national security and public safety.

Commentators have criticized the ban, pointing out that it disproportionately affects Muslim-majority and African countries. Amnesty International’s secretary general Agnes Callamard lambasted Trump for the action, calling it inhumane:

President Trump’s new travel ban is discriminatory, racist, and downright cruel. By targeting people based on their race, religion, or nationality, from countries with predominantly Black, Brown and Muslim-majority populations, this blanket ban constitutes racial discrimination under international human rights law. It also spreads hate and disinformation, reinforcing the notion that these populations are more likely to pose security risks or engage in acts of violence.

Leaders of affected countries have also denounced the United States for the action. In a Facebook post, Chad President Mahamat Idriss Deby Itno announced a corresponding ban on US citizens and jabbed at Trump for his recent receipt of a Qatari luxury jet:

I have instructed the government in accordance with the principles of reciprocity and suspended the granting of visas to citizens of the United States of America. Chad has neither airplanes nor billions of dollars to give, but Chad has its dignity and its pride.

The ban extends almost completely to nationals of Afghanistan, Burma, Chad, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Additionally, more partial bans have been placed on nationals from Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela.

The restrictions bear a striking resemblance to Trump’s 2017 travel ban, which blocked travel to the United States from seven Muslim-majority countries. Some of these countries—namely Chad, Iran, Libya, Somalia and Yemen—have suffered under both bans.

Trump justified the current ban in almost identical fashion as the 2017 ban, relying on certain provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA). Section 212(f) of the act allows the president to deny entry into the country if doing so “would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.” The administration additionally cited 215(a), which allows the president to block individuals’ entry if they knowingly make false statements or otherwise engage in fraudulent activity.

For both bans, Trump claimed that restrictions were not based on religion or race but rather countries’ deficient screening processes, high terrorist activity, poor information sharing, and high overstay rates.

After multiple challenges, the US Supreme Court ultimately upheld Trump’s first travel ban under the INA and the US Constitution.

Trump stated: “We will restore the travel ban…and keep the radical Islamic terrorists out of our country that was upheld by the Supreme Court.”

From JURIST, June 5. Used with permission.

Note: The 2017 Trump travel ban was overturned by Biden on his first day in office, Jan. 20, 2021.

Photo: Minneapolis protest of 2018 Supreme Court decision upholding Trump’s first travel ban. Credit: Fibonacci Blue/Flickr

The military operation took place in Banwa and Sourou provinces, with interviewees quoted by HRW stating that women, children and the elderly were often targeted. Witnesses believe that the operation has resulted in the displacement of most Fulani people from Banwa province. The Fulani have been collectively blamed for violence perpetrated by JNIM and other affiliated Islamist groups.

International law requires combatants in internal conflicts to distinguish between combatants and civilians, and specifically protects women, children, and the elderly from violence. It is not lawful to target civilians who are not combatants under any circumstances. The law also forbids states from forcing the displacement of civilian populations unless displacement is necessary to ensure civilian safety.

Testimony sourced by HRW suggests that the operation was targeted specifically at Fulani civilians, and that there was no legitimate military justification for the attacks. In addition, there is no evidence that there was a legitimate justification for the displacement of civilians, as the danger to Fulani civilians appeared to come primarily from the government operation itself.

The government of Burkina Faso has not commented on the operation, or the alleged JNIM attacks perpetrated in retaliation.

Conflict between the government and JNIM has already resulted in the internal displacement of over 2 million people across the country.

In 2024, HRW reported an increase in killings of civilians by government forces and Islamist armed groups, with both sides perpetrating the killing of thousands. The military junta that has controlled Burkina Faso since 2022 has also implemented restrictions on free speech and independent media, and reinstated the death penalty.

From JURIST, May 12. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Map: Perry-Castañeda Library

National Park W, where the attacks took place, is part of the WAP complex (made up of W, Arly and Pendjari national parks) straddling the borders of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. The park complex has become heavily militarized in recent years in response to jihadist infiltration from the north. (Mongabay)

Map: Gregor Rom/Wikimedia Commons

The massacre underscores the deteriorating security situation in Burkina Faso, where pro-government militias, known as Volontaires pour la défense de la patrie (VDP), have been accused of committing grave human rights violations alongside state security forces. The Fulani community has been stigmatized as sympathizers of Islamist armed groups, making them vulnerable to such attacks. HRW has emphasized that these atrocities must be thoroughly investigated and those responsible held accountable to prevent further escalation of violence.

Burkina Faso has been engulfed in conflict since 2016, with Islamist armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State carrying out attacks against civilians and state actors alike. The violence has displaced over 2.3 million people internally and externally as of August 2024. In response, the country’s military junta, which seized power in a coup in October 2022, has intensified counterinsurgency efforts by mobilizing citizen militias like the VDP. While these groups are intended to bolster security forces, their operations have often led to extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and other abuses against civilians.

The junta’s approach has also contributed to shrinking civic space within the country. Journalists, activists, and opposition members have faced crackdowns under the guise of national security measures. In addition, the transitional government has delayed elections initially scheduled for July 2024 and announced plans to remain in power for five more years following nationwide talks largely boycotted by opposition groups.

International organizations have repeatedly urged Burkina Faso’s authorities to uphold their commitments under international human rights law and ensure accountability for abuses committed by state actors and affiliated militias. Despite these calls, impunity remains pervasive.

From JURIST, March 16, 2025

Photo of VDP fighters: Henry Wilkins/VOA via Wikimedia Commons

In the past, the US has been a co-sponsor to the Emergency Special Session 11 (ES-11) series of resolutions, including the ES-11/6, which marked two years of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The General Assembly invoked the “Uniting for Peace” mechanism (Resolution 377A(V)) on Feb. 28, 2022, which allows the body to take action after Russia’s veto power prevented the UN Security Council from acting. (Moscow Times, Kyiv Independent, Axios, Jurist)

Tensions between the US and Ukraine escalated on Feb. 19 when Trump on social media called President Volodymyr Zelensky a “dictator without elections” and accused him of starting the war with Russia three years ago. Zelensky retorted that Trump lives in a “web of disinformation.” The insults came a day after senior US and Russian officials discussed ending the war during a meeting in Riyadh, to which Ukraine was not invited. Zelensky said the meeting served only as a gift to Russian President Vladimir Putin, effectively bringing him back from his diplomatic isolation. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said after the meeting that peace would require concessions from both sides. Russian officials have not publicly offered any concessions but reportedly demanded that Ukraine commit to neutrality and not be allowed to join the NATO military alliance.

Also Feb. 20, Zelensky met in Kyiv with Trump’s Ukraine and Russia envoy, Keith Kellogg, and said the meeting gave him hope. But a joint press conference afterwards was cancelled, at the request of the US. China has come out in support of Trump’s negotiations with Russia, while European leaders have said they are considering sending peacekeepers to Ukraine. (TNH)

Map: PCL

From The New Humanitairan, Jan. 31. Internal links added.

Note: Their name deriving from the French “La Recrue” (the recruit), Lakurawa are known to operate in the Nigerian states of Sokoto, Kebbi and Kaduna. Initially emerging as a vigilante force to defend against bandits, they appear to have established a mini-state in the area, where their harsh interpretation of sharia is enforced, and residents can be flogged for such offenses as listening to music. (Militant Wire, BBC News)

Photo via Sahara Reporters