In announcing its decision to withdraw from the Rome Statute, the Venezuelan government described the move as “irrevocable,” and argued that the ICC has demonstrated political and geographic bias by disproportionately investigating countries in Africa and Latin America. Officials also asserted that Venezuela’s judicial system is capable of handling investigations without international intervention.

The UN Fact-Finding Mission expressed “grave concern” over the withdrawal, saying the decision raises serious questions about Venezuela’s commitment to accountability for human right abuses. The mission said Venezuela should continue cooperating with the ICC while strengthening credible domestic investigations into alleged crimes against humanity.

The ICC has been investigating allegations of crimes against humanity in Venezuela since 2021. Although the withdrawal process will take one year to become effective pursuant to Article 127 of the Rome Statute, the court can continue investigating crimes that occurred while Venezuela was still a party to the Rome Statute.

Recently, countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have withdrawn from the Rome Statute over claims that it is a neo-colonialist institution that was interfering in their domestic affairs. In light of the wave of turbulence impacting the ICC, including the removal of prosecutor Karim Khan, critics contend that the court is facing an unprecedented legitimacy crisis, with a widening gap between its mandate and its internal structural stability.

From JURIST, July 29. Used with permission.

Note: The US is now actually seeking to dismantle the ICC.

Photo: Tony Webster via Wikimedia Commons

The first attack took place in March on the farming community of San Martín, Sucumbíos province, and was confirmed by the US government as a partnered military operation. The remaining three incidents took place at sea, off Ecuador’s Pacific coast. They are the January disappearance of the Fiorella, an Ecuadorian fishing vessel, and March drone attacks on two other fishing vessels, La Negra Francisco Duarte II and the Don Maca. The US has denied responsibility in these maritime strikes.

In the March 3 operation at San Martín, near the Colombian border, Ecuadorian soldiers detained and tortured four men, burned three properties, and struck two of the three burned properties with air-dropped munitions. The detained men were transported to a military facility, but eventually released when a prosecutor refused to charge them.

The Ecuadorian and US governments categorized the San Martín incident as a successful military operation, named Operation Total Extermination against the Comandos de la Frontera (CDF) drug trafficking group. The target of the operation was reported to be a CDF leader who goes by the alias “Mono Tole.” Secretary of “War” (Defense) Pete Hegseth celebrated the “bombing [of] Narco terrorists on land.”

The Fiorella incident took place on Jan. 20, and resulted in eight of its 10 crew members going missing. After setting sail from the port of Jaramijó in Ecuador on Jan. 13, the vessel entered international waters, where it was reportedly monitored and followed by aircraft, boats and drones bearing US insignia. On Jan. 20, one of the vessel’s two skiffs were put to sea, and those aboard soon heard cries of distress from the Fiorella crew over the radio before losing all communication. They then saw a large column of smoke coming from the vessel’s direction. That was the last news heard of the Fiorella.

La Negra Francisco Duarte II and Don Maca crew members report being struck by a drone on March 17, then being hooded and handcuffed by men who boarded from boats bearing indications of US origin. The presumed US forces subsequently transferred the crew members to Salvadorian custody.

The US has denied involvement in the three fishing vessel incidents, despite their similarity to Operation Southern Spear missions. Southern Spear is the US Department of “War” (Defense) campaign of lethal air-strikes against small boats suspected of smuggling illegal narcotics in the Caribbean Sea and eastern Pacific Ocean.

Ecuador has echoed Washington’s hardline anti-narcotic stance, with President Daniel Noboa’s administration implementing a new “Security Bloc” campaign, led by Minister of National Defense Gian Carlo Loffredo and the chief of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces, Henry Delgado Salvador. The administration has pledged to direct more efforts to eradicate criminal activity in the region.

From JURIST, July 22. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Image: Nicolas Raymond via Flickr

Photo: Martin St-Amant via Wikimedia Commons

Peru’s Congress on June 13 gave initial approval to the controversial bill, which stipulates that crimes committed by police officers or military personnel while exercising their duties shall be exclusively handled by military or police jurisdictions rather than ordinary courts. Türk stressed that human rights violations should be handled by independent and impartial courts, as required by international law and UN standards. The question of using military jurisdiction to try members of the armed forces for human rights violations has raised significant concern and criticism, with experts citing fears of impunity and violations of internationally protected rights, such as the right to an effective remedy and the right to a fair trial.

Peruvian lawmakers defending the bill argued that its implementation will allow the trial of security forces personnel by a specialized justice system that understands the work of security members. Conversely, opponents in the Congress denounced the bill, stating that it violates the principle of equality of citizens before the law.

If it comes into force, the bill would bar members of the armed forces or police from being tried in a civil court for the same facts if proceedings have already been opened before a military or police court. The draft law still requires a second vote in a plenary session before its promulgation by the Executive.

Peru has recently faced criticism for its handling of justice and the prosecution of human rights violations. In August 2025, UN human rights experts criticized a national law that granted amnesty to security forces accused of committing serious violations of international law during the internal armed conflict between 1980 and 2000, describing it as a violation of international law. The UN also expressed concern about the erosion of rule of law in the country following the dismissal of a Peruvian judge from his post for comments he made regarding alleged interference in the judiciary. Additionally, the UN raised concerns about the release of a former military officer who was convicted of the murder of journalist Hugo Bustíos in 1988.

From JURIST, Jun 19. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Photo: Protontorniyo via Wikimedia Commons

A delegation from the Vatican—including cardinals and bishops—joined representatives of the Catholic Church in Peru to kneel before local campesinos and ask their forgiveness at a “Mass of Reparation” held May 23 at the parish of San Juan Bautista in Catacaos, Piura region. A Vatican investigation found that the Tallán indigenous communities of the parish for over a decade suffered land expropriation, physical threats and other abuses at the hands of the Sodalitium Christianae Vitae. The lay society, better known as “Sodalicio,” was among the most active Catholic movements in Latin America from the early 1970s until it was suppressed by order of Pope Francis in April 2025. (Vatican News, Vatican News, OSV News, NCR)

Photo: Vatican News

Map: PCL

The payment came days after a $2 billion contract for 12 F-16s was signed by an official in Peru’s Air Force—over the head of Balcázar, who was informed of finalization of the deal only after the fact.

In fact, hours before a ceremonial signing April 17, Balcázar announced in a radio interview that the next president should decide on the deal, saying his interim government lacked the authority to make such a large outlay. In early March, Balcázar had signed a decree designating the project a “military secret,” limiting public information about government negotiations for the deal.

In a lengthy post after the signing, the US Embassy said that on April 14 “Lockheed Martin was informed in writing of its selection, with a technical signing scheduled for 7:00am and a ceremonial signing for 5:00pm on April 17.” The US ambassador, Bernie Navarro, accused Balcázar of “bad faith” in announcing the postponement, and warned that Washington would use “every available tool” to promote its interests. The “technical signing” finally took place on April 20.

Peru has ​spent years negotiating with different companies to modernize its aging fleet of Mirage 2000 and MiG‑29 fighters acquired in the 1980s and 1990s. The Air Force says it is looking to eventually acquire a total of 24 jets from Lockheed.

The imbroglio has yet further divided Peru’s already rancorous political class, and especially raised suspicions of US intentions. “It’s extortion,” Jorge Nieto, a centrist presidential candidate and former defense minister, said in a TV interview. “If we don’t play our cards right, we run the risk of turning from a country into a territory.” (NYT, BreakingDefense, Reuters)

Results still have not been finalized for the hotly contested presidential election, which took place on April 12. Police in Lima on April 24 raided the home of Piero Corvetto, former head of the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE), as part of a judicial warrant in an investigation of electoral irregularities. (Al Jazeera)

Photo: Wikipedia

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Human Rights Watch (HRW) urged Magyar’s incoming government to take immediate steps to restore democratic norms in Hungary. The organization called for the swift dissolution of the Sovereignty Protection Office, a body established in 2023 with broad powers to investigate journalists, civil organizations, and academics that receive foreign funding. HRW also pressed for an end to emergency decree powers that have allowed Orbán’s executive to bypass the parliamentary process since 2020.

HRW urged the incoming government to drop criminal charges against Budapest Mayor Gergely Karácsony, who is being prosecuted for holding the city’s Pride March last June in defiance of a ban imposed by Orbán’s government, and against Géza Buzás-Hábel, organizer of the Pride march in Pécs.

Orbán’s measures against dissent of course mirror those of Vladimir Putin, and indeed his defeat diminishes an emerging pro-Russian bloc on the continent, also including Slovakia and (outside the EU) Serbia and Belarus. The fall of Orbán is expected to free up a €17 billion loan to Ukraine that his government had effecitvely blocked.

However, Péter Magyar is a creature of the center-right, and a former Orbán ally. His Respect & Freedom (Tisza) party broke from Fidesz in 2020, in response to Orbán’s growing authoritarianism. His proclivities are fundamentally conservative, and he may not mean a full de-Orbánification. In a bad sign, Magyar on April 15 held what the Israeli Foreign Ministry called a “warm introductory phone call” with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, pointing to a continuity in ties. Orbán’s Hungary and Donald Trump’s United States are the only two countries Netanyahu has been able to safely visit since the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for his arrest to face war crimes charges in November 2024.

Nonetheless, among those around the world taking courage in the fall of Orbán are the Israeli protesters who have mounted a campaign of militant demonstrations against Netanyahu and his wars. (Jurist, JP, PRI, EuroNews)

Sidelined by the world media spotlight, a more stark struggle with stakes just as high for the survival of democratic norms is emerging in the South American nation of Peru. As Hungarians voted, so did Peruvians, in a crowded field of 35 candidates following years of political chaos that have seen 10 presidents in as many years. Leading the field was Keiko Fujimori, perennial candidate of the hard-right Fuerza Popular.

Keiko is the daughter of ex-dictator Alberto Fujimori, who shamefully died a free man in December 2024, having been released from prison after 17 years following a pardon for his convictions for corruption and human rights abuses. The younger Fujimori remained an unabashed supporter of the elder to the very end, and her potential election promises a reversal of the process of de-Fujimorification that Peru has undergone since the fall of his eight-year period of strongman rule in 2000.

A decision on who Keiko Fujimori would face in a run-off was delayed by several days after the National Office of Electoral Process (ONPE) found that a private contractor failed to deliver ballots to dozens of polling stations across the province of Lima, preventing more than 52,000 citizens from voting on time. One of her two leading contenders, former Lima mayor Rafael López Aliaga, alleged widespread fraud and called for the vote to be annulled. The EU election observer mission reported that it had found no evidence of fraud. But tension mounted as López Aliaga’s supporters mobilized to the street.

López Aliaga, known by his appropriate nickname “Porky,” is also a figure of the hard right, although of a more Catholic bent than Fujimori, and has similarly run on pledges of a harsh crackdown on soaring crime and the narco economy. In an echo of Trump’s Alligator Alcatraz, he has proposed building penal colonies in the Amazon rainforest, surrounded by moats filled with vipers.

López Aliaga has not dropped his demands for annullment, but it now emerges that Fujimori will face a contender from the left in the June 7 run-off. This is Roberto Sánchez Palomino of Juntos por el Perú. Sánchez is the political heir of imprisoned ex-president Pedro Castillo, a political outsider of campesino origins whose 2021 election shook up Peru’s establishment. Castillo’s ouster and detention by order of Congress the following year ended his contentious rule and sparked weeks of protests that were met with massive deadly repression. Sánchez, who had served in Castillo’s cabinet, similarly ran with strong support from rural Andean regions, traditionally excluded from Peruvian politics, and similarly wears a traditional campesino sombrero.

There is a sense of deju vu here, as Keiko Fujimori has made it as far as a presidential run-off in 2011, 2016 and 2021. During the first run, she brought in Rudolph Giuliani as “national security advisor.” In the second run (taking place five months before Trump was first elected here in Gringolandia), she was defeated by the center-right Pedro Pablo Kuczynski after Verónika Mendoza, the left-wing candidate who was bumped out of the race in the first round, threw her support behind him to avoid a re-Fujimorification of the country. As persident, it was Kuczynski who pardoned Alberto Fujimori, in a betrayal of the progressive-minded Peruvians who had helped elect him.

With the center now having effectively collapsed in Peruvian politics, this kind of outcome, at least, is excluded from possibility. However, a win by Keiko Fujimori on her fourth try for the presidency portends a far worse outcome. (Americas Quarterly, Jurist, France24, France24, AFP, Reuters)

Peru may seem far removed from the world stage compared to Hungary, but the Great Powers are definitely playing their chess game here as well. Florida Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar has called on Peru’s next government to “take back” the Chinese-controlled port of Chancay, portraying the deep-water facility as a military threat to the hemisphere. Salazar, chair of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, said during a hearing on April 16 that Washington must help Peru wrest the megaport from Chinese hands. “The new Peruvian government, which will be elected next June, must take it back, that port, take it back, and the United States will help them,” Salazar said.

She argued that the port, just up the coast from Lima, has “dual usage” potential, meaning it could shift from commercial to military operations, allowing Chinese submarines, warships and aircraft carriers to operate from Peru’s territory. (SCMP)

Even a new President Fujimori would be unlikely to take this bait from Washington, as China, like the US, is a free-trade partner of Peru and top investor in its lucrative mineral sector. But there’s much contention about Chinese versus North American influence in the country. The last interim president, José Jerí, who had faced a wave of Gen Z protests last year, was finally removed by Congress this February following unregistered meetings with two Chinese businessmen. The incumbent interim president José María Balcázar is of the left, and popular anger at Peru’s traditional political class is palpable.

Whether it is the populist left of Sánchez or the populist right of Fujimori that prevails in June, the Great Power pressures on Peru will remain. The implications for Peru internally, however, will be very different—and this also has regional implications, as the right has made recent electoral gains throughout Latin America: just over the past months, in Chile, Bolivia and Costa Rica. A new right-authoritarian bloc is emerging, just as the Trump regime is launching new adventures in gunboat diplomacy.

Hopefully, Peru will not be the next addition to this bloc. But a Fujimori victory could mean a fatal blow to Peru’s deeply troubled democracy. A Sánchez victory, on the other hand, would heighten the social contradictions in Peru—with both opportunities for a more meaningful democracy, and dangers of a backlash from the conservative establishment.

Photo: Wikipedia

Colombia has experienced a decades-long armed conflict that began with the formation of guerrilla groups, notably the FARC and the ELN. Paramilitary groups later emerged to fight the guerrillas. Following a landmark peace agreement with the FARC in 2016 and ongoing negotiations with the ELN that began in 2018, violence levels have been reduced. But the protracted conflict has led to a profusion of armed actors and fueled the growth of private military and security companies (PMSCs).

In a September 2025 report, the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries raised the alarm over the role of mercenaries and PMSCs in exploiting natural resources at the expense of human rights in multiple conflict zones around the world. The Working Group detailed how these entities, often colluding with governments, corporations and criminal syndicates, commit grave rights abuses to secure access to valuable resources such as minerals, oil, timber and agricultural land.

According to the report, these abuses include arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence and forced displacement, as well as severe environmental destruction. The experts highlighted the disproportionate impact of these activities on indigenous populations and rural communities: “These communities often face violations of their rights to land, culture, and livelihood, further compounded by the lack of access to justice and remedies.”

While experts in the new statement acknowledged the legitimacy of some overseas employment in military and security roles for Colombians, they reiterated that the use of mercenaries is prohibited under international law. The experts concluded: “Effectively tackling mercenary recruitment is not just a national issue; it requires robust regional and global cooperation given its transnational nature.”

From JURIST, March 28. Used with permission. Internal links added.

Photo: Contagio Radio